could be desired in an accomp.isned general, and troops with those of Egypt, he was very much sur that nevertheless they were not carried into execution, prised at finding that he was not appointed general asked him one day, how it happened that he was so of the whole army, as he expected, but only of the quick in his views and so slow in his actions? "It foreign troops; that Chabrias was made general of is," replied Pharnabazus, “because my views depend the sea-forces, and that Tachos retained the commandonly upon myself, but their execution upon my mas-in-chief to himself. This was not the only mortifica tion he had to experience. Ler." SECTION X.-THE LACEDEMONIANS SEND AGESI- OF THE PROVINCES REVOLT AGAINST ARTAXERXES. AFTER the battle of Mantinea,2 both parties equally weary of the war, had entered into a general peace with all the other states of Greece, upon the king of Persia's plan, by which the enjoyment of its laws and liberties was secured to each city; and the Messenians were included in it, notwithstanding all the opposition and intrigues of the Lacedæmonians to prevent it. Their rage upon this occasion separated them from the other Greeks. They were the only people who resolved to continue the war, from the hope of recovering the whole country of Messenia in a short time. That resolution, of which Agesilaus was the author, occasioned him to be justly regarded as a violent and obstinate man, insatiable of glory and command, who was not afraid of involving the republic again in inevitable misfortunes, from the necessity to which the want of money exposed them of borrowing great sums, and of levying heavy imposts, instead of taking advantage of the favourable opportunity that now offered to conclude a peace, and put an end to all their evils. Whilst matters were thus passing A. M. 3641. in Greece, Tachos, who had asAnt. J. C. 363. cended the throne of Egypt, drew together as many troops as he could to defend himself against the king of Persia, who meditated a new invasion of Egypt, notwithstanding the ill success of his past endeavours to reduce that kingdom. For this purpose Tachos sent into Greece, and obtained a body of troops from the Lacedæmonians, with Agesilaus to command them, whom he promised to make generalissimo of his army. The Lacedæmonians were exasperated against Artaxerxes, from his having forced them to include the Messenians in the late peace, and were rejoiced to have this opportunity of expressing their resentment. Chabrias, the Athenian, went also into the service of Tachos, but of his own head, and without the republic's participation. Tachos came to a resolution to march into Phanicia, thinking it more advisable to make that country the seat of war, than to await the enemy in Egypt Agesilaus, who knew better, represented to him ir vain, that his affairs were not sufficiently established to admit his removing out of his dominions; that he would do much better to remain in them, and content 1.imself with acting by his generals in the enemy's country. Tachos despised this wise counsel, and expressed no less disregard for him on all other occasions. Agesilaus was so much incensed at such conduct, that he joined the Egyptians, who had taken arms against him during his absence, and had placed Nectanebus, his cousin, upon the throne. Agesilaus, abandoning the king, to whose aid he had been sent, and joining the rebel who had dethroned him, alleged in justification of himself, that he was sent to the assistance of the Egyptians; and that they having taken up arms against Tachos, he was not at liberty to serve against them without new orders from Sparta. He despatched expresses thither; and the instructions he received were, to act as he should judge most advantageous for his country. He immediately declared for Nectanebus. Tachos, obliged to quit Egypt, retired to Sidon, from whence he went to the court of Persia. Artaxerxes not only forgave him his fault, but even gave him the command of his troops against the rebels. Agesilaus covered so criminal a conduct with the veil of the public utility. But, says Plutarch, let that delusive blind be removed, the most just and only true name which can be given the action, is that of perfidy and treason. It is true that the Lacedæmo nians, making the glorious and the good consist prin cipally in the service of their country, which they idolized, knew no other justice than what tended to the augmentation of the grandeur of Sparta, and the extending of its dominions. I am surprised so judicious an author as Xenophon should endeavour to palliate a conduct of this kind, by saying only, that Agesilaus attached himself to that of the two kings who seemed the best affected to Greece. At the same time, a third prince, of the city of Mendes, set up for himself, to dispute the crown with This commission did Agesilaus no honour. It was Nectanebus. This new competitor had an army of thought below the dignity of a king of Sparta and a 100,000 men to support his pretensions. Agesilaus great captain, who had made his name glorious gave his advice to attack them before they were exer throughout the world, and was then more than eighty cised and disciplined. Had that counsel been followed, years old, to receive the pay of an Egyptian, and to it would have been easy to have defeated a body of serve a Barbarian who had revolted against his master. people raised in haste, and without any experience ta As soon as he landed in Egypt, the king's principal war. But Nectanebus imagined that Agesilaus only generals and the great officers of his house came to gave him this advice to betray him afterwards, as he his ship, to receive and make their court to him. The had done Tachos. He therefore gavo his enemy rest of the Egyptians were as solicitous to see him, time to discipline his troops, who soon after reduced from the great expectation which the name and re-him to retire into a city, fortified with good walls and nown of Agesilaus had excited in them, and came in multitudes to the shore for that purpose. But when, instead of a great and magnificent prince, according to the idea which his exploits had led them to entertain of him, they saw nothing splendid or majestic either in his person or equipage, and saw only an old man of a mean aspect and small stature, without any riking appearance, and dressed in a sorry robe of a very coarse stuff, they were seized with an immodeate disposition to laugh, and applied the fable of the nountain in labour to him. of very great extent. Agesilaus was obliged to follow him thither; where the Mendesian prince besieged them. Nectanebus would then have attacked the enemy before his works (which were begun in order to surround the city) were advanced, and pressed Agesilaus to that purpose; but he refused to comply at first, which extremely augmented the suspicions conceived of him. At length, when he saw the work in a sufficient forwardness, and that there remained only as much ground between the two ends of the line as the troops within the city might occupy, drawn up in battle, he told Nectanebus that it was time to attack the enemy, that their own lines would prevent their surrounding him, and that the interval between them was exactly the space he wanted, for ranging Diodorus calls him his son; Plutarca, his cousin. us troops in such a manner as that they might all act together effectively. The attack was executed according to Agesilaus's plan; the besiegers were beaten, and from thenceforth Agesilaus conducted all the ope. rations of the war with so much success, that the prince their enemy was always overcome, and at last taken prisoner. The following winter, after having A. M. 3643. firmly established Nectanebus, he Ant. J. C. 361. embarked to return to Lacedæmon, and was driven by contrary winds upon the coast of Africa, into a place called the port of Manelaus, where he fell sick and died, at the age of fourscore and four years. He had reigned forty; one of them at Sparta; and of those forty-one he had passed thirty with the reputation of the greatest and most powerful of all the Greeks, and had been looked upon as the leader and king of almost all Greece, till the battle of Leuctra. His latter years did not entirely support the reputation he had acquired; and Xenophon, in his eulogiam of this prince, wherein he gives him the preference to all other captains, has been found to exaggerate his virtues, and extenuate is faults too much. The body of Agesilaus was carried to Sparta. Those who were about him not having honey, with which it was the Spartan custom to cover the bodies they wished to embalm, made use of wax in its stead. His son Archidamus succeeded to the throne, which continued in his house down to Agis, who was the fifth king of the line of Agesilaus. Towards the end of the Egyptian war, the greatest part of the provinces in subjection to Persia revolted. Artaxerxes Mnemon had been the involuntary occasion of this defection. That prince, of himself, was good, equitable, and benevolent. He loved his people and was beloved by them. He had abundance of mild ness and sweetness of temper in his character; but that easiness degenerated into sloth and luxury, and particularly in the latter years of his life, in which he d'acovered a dislike for all business and application, from whence the good qualities which he otherwise possessed, as well as his beneficent intentions, becarae useless and without effect. The satraps and governors of provinces, abusing his favour and the infirmities of his great age, oppressed the people, treated them with insolence and cruelty, loaded them with taxes, and did every thing in their power to render the Pe sian yoke insupportable. The discontent became general, and broke out, after long suffering, almost at the same time on all sides. Asia Minor, Syria, Phoenicia, and many other provinces, declared themselves openly, and took up arms. The principal leaders of the conspiracy were, Ariobarzanes satrap of Phrygia, Mausolus king of Caria, Orontes governor of Mysia, and Autophradates governor of Lydia. Datames, of whom mention has been made before, and who commanded in Cappadocia, was also engaged in it. By this means, half the revenues of the crown were on a sudden diverted into ifferent channels, and the remainder would not have Deen sufficient for the expenses of a war against the revolters, had they acted in concert. But their union was of no long continuance; and those who had been the first and most zealous in shaking off the yoke, were also the foremost in resuming it, and in betraying the interests of the others, to make their peace with the king. The provinces of Asia Minor, on withdrawing from their obedience, had entered into a confederacy for their mutual defence, and had chosen Orontes, governor of Mysia, for their general. They had also resolved to add 20,000 foreign troops to those of the country, and had charged the same Orontes with the care of raising them. But when he had got the ency for that service into his hands, with the addio of a year's pay, he kept it for himself, and devered to the king the persons who had brought it Fars the revolted provinces. Reomithras, another of the chiefs of Asia Minor, being sent into Egypt to draw succours from that kingdom, committed a treachery of a like nature. Having brought from that country 500 talents and fifty ships of war, he assembled the principal revolters at Leucas, a city of Asia Minor, under pretence of giving them an account of his negotiation, seized them all, delivered them to the king to make his peace, and kept the money he had received in Egypt for the confederacy. Thus this formidable revolt, which had brought the Persian empire to the very brink of ruin, dissolved of itself, or to speak more properly, was suspended for some time. SECTION XI.--TROUBLES AT THE COURT OF AK TAXERRES CONCERNING HIS SUCCESSOR. DEATH bals. The whole court were divided into factions in It was Tiribazus, of whom mention has been made several times in the preceding volume, who contributed the most to his taking so unnatural a resolution, from a like subject of discontent against the king; who having promised to give him first one of us daughters in marriage, and then another, broke his word both times, and married them himself. Such abominable incest was permitted at that time in Persia, the religion of the nation not prohibiting it. The number of the conspirators was already very great, and the day fixed for the execution, when a eunuch, well informed of the whole plot, discovered it to the king. Upon that information, Artaxerxes thought it would be highly imprudent to despise so great a danger, by neglecting a strict inquiry into it; but that it would be much more so, to give credit to it without certain and unquestionable proof. He assured himself of it with his own eyes. The conspirators were suffered to enter the king's apartment, and then seized. Darius and al' his accomplices were punished as they deserved. After the death of Darius, the cabals began again. Three of his brothers were competitors; Ariaspes, Ochus, and Arsames. The two former pretended to the throne in right of birth, being the sons of the queen. The third had the king's favour, who tenderly loved him, though only the son of a concubine. Ochus, prompted by his restless ambition, studied perpetually the means to rid himself or both his rivals. As he was equally cunning and cruel, he employed his craft and artifice against Ariaspes, and his cruelty against Arsames. Knowing the former to be extremely simple and credulous, he made the cunuchs of the palace, whom he had found means to corrupt, threaten him so terribly in the name of the king his father, that, expecting every moment to be treated as Darius had been, he poisoned himself to avoid it. After this, there remained only Arsames to give him | them responsible for their bad success, after having umbrage, because his father and all the world considered that prince as most worthy of the throne, from his ability and other excellent qualities. Him he caused to be assassinated by Harpates, son of Tiribazus. This loss, which alowed close upon the other, and the exceeding wickedness with which both were attended, gave Ue old king a grief that proved mortal: nor is it surprising, that at his age he should not have strength enough to support so great A. M. 3613. an affliction. It overpowered him, Ant. J. C. 361. and brought him to the grave, after a reign of forty-three years, which might have been called happy, if it had not been interrupted by many revolts. That of his successor will be no less disturbed with them. SECTION XII.-CAUSES OF THE FREQUENT INSUR RECTIONS AND REVOLTS IN THE PERSIAN EMPIRE. I HAVE taken care in relation to the seditions that happened in the Persian empire, to observe from tune to time the abuses which occasioned them. But as these revolts were more frequent than ever in the latter years, and will be more so, especially in the succeeding reign, I thought it would be proper to unite here, under one point of view, the different causes of these insurrections, which foretell the approaching decline of the Persian empire. I. After the reign of Artaxerxes Longimanus, the kings of Persia abandoned themselves more and more to the charms of voluptuousness and luxury, and the delights of an indolent and inactive life. Shut up generally in their palaces, amongst women and a crowd of flatterers, they contented themselves with enjoying, in soft effeminate case and idleness, the pleasure of universal command, and make their grandeur consist in the splendid glare of riches and an expensive magnificence. II. They were, besides, princes of no great talents for the conduct of affairs, of small capacity in the art of governing, and void of taste for glory. Not having a sufficient extent of mind to animate all the parts of so vast an empire, nor sufficient strength to support the weight of it, they transferred to their officers the cares of public business, the fatigues of commanding armies, and the dangers which attend the execution of great enterprises; confining their ambition to bearing alone the lofty title of the Great King, and the King of kings. III. The great offices of the crown, the government of the provinces, the command of armies, were generally bestowed upon people without either the claim of service or merit. It was the influence of the favourites, the secret intrigues of the court, the solicitations of the women of the palace, which determined the choice of the persons who were to fill the most important posts of the empire, and appropriated the rewards due to the officers who had done the state real service, to their own creatures. IV. These courtiers, frequently, through a base and mean jealousy of the merit that gave them umbrage and reproached their small abilities, removed their rivals from public employments, and rendered their talents useless to the state. Sometimes they would even cause their fidelity to be suspected by false informations, bring them to trial as criminals against the state, and force the king's most faithful servants, in order to defend themselves against their calumniators, to seck their safety in revolting and in turning those arms against their prince, which they had so often made triumph for his glory and the service of the empire. V. The ministers, to hold the generals in dependence, restrained them under such limited orders as obliged them to let slip the opportunities of conquering, and prevented them, by waiting for new orders, from pushing their advantages. They also often made let them want every thing necessary to conduct to it. VI. The kings of Persia had extremely degene rated from the frugality of Cyrus and the ancient Per sians, who contented themselves with cresses and salads for their food, and we for their drink. The whole nobility had been infecte, with the contagion of this example. In retaining the single meal of their ancestors, they made it last during the greatest part of the day, and prolonged it far into the night by drinking to excess; and far from being ashamed o drunkenness, they made it their glory, as we have seen in the younger Cyrus. VII. The extreme remoteness of the provinces, which extended from the Caspian and Euxine to the Red Sea and Ethiopia, and from the rivers Ganges and Indus to the Egean Sea, was a great obstacle to the fidelity and affection of the people, who never haa the satisfaction to enjoy the presence of their masters; who knew them only by the weight of their taxations, and by the pride and avarice of their satraps, or governors; and who, in transporting themselves to the court, to make their demands and complaints there, could not hope to find access to princes, who believed it contributed to the majesty of their persons to make themselves inaccessible and invisible." VIII. The multitude of the provinces in subjection to Persia did not compose a uniform empire, nor the regular body of a state whose members were united by the common ties of interest, manners, language, and religion, and animated with the same spirit of government, under the guidance of the same laws. It was rather a confused, disjointed, tumultuous, and even forced assemblage of different nations, formerly free and independent; of whom some, who were torn from their native countries and the sepulchres of their forefathers, saw themselves with grief transported into unknown regions, or amongst enemies, where they persevered in retaining their own laws and customs, and a form of government peculiar to themselves. These different nations, who not only lived without any common tie or relation between them, but with a diversity of manners and worship, and often with antipathy of characters and inclinations, desired nothing so ardently as their liberty and re-establishment in their own countries. All these people therefore were unconcerned for the preservation of an empire which was the sole obstacle to their so warm and just desires, and could not feel any affection for a govern ment that treated them always as strangers and subjected nations, and never gave them any share in its authority or privileges. IX. The extent of the empire, and its remoter.s from the court, made it necessary to give the viceroys of the frontier provinces a very great authority in every branch of government; to raise and pay armies; to impose tributes; to adjudge the quarrels of cities, provinces, and vassal kings; and to make treaties with the neighbouring states. A power so extensive and almost independent, in which they continued many years without being changed, and withou: colleagues or council to deliberate upon the affairs of their provinces, accustomed them to the pleasure of commanding absolutely, and of reigning. In consequence of which, it was with great repugnance they submitted to be removed from their governments, and often endeavoured to support themselves in them by force of arms. X. The governors of provinces, the generals of ar mies, and all the other officers and ministers, gloried in imitating in their equipages, tables, furniture, and dress, the pomp and splendour of the court in which they nad been educated. To support so destructive a price. and to supply expenses so much above the for [Our author is mistaken here. The Persian empire never extended to the Ganges. It extended only a short way beyond the Indus, into the Punjaub. See a forme note on Darius' conquest of India.] zanes of private persons, they were reduced to oppress | the usual forerunner of the ruin of states. Their the subjects under their jurisdiction with exorbitant just complaints, long time despised, were followed by taxes, flagrant extortions, and the shameful traffic of a an open rebellion of several nations, who endeavoured public venality, that set those offices to sale for money, to do themselves that justice by force, which was re-. which ought to have been granted only to merit. All fused to their remonstrances. In such a conduct, they that vanity lavished, or luxury exhausted, was made failed in the submission and fidelity which subjects good by mean arts, and the violent rapaciousness of an owe to their sovereigns; but Paganism did not carry insatiable avarice. its lights so far, and was not capable of so sublime a perfection, which was reserved for a religion tha: teaches, that no pretext, no injustice, no vexation, car ever authorize the rebellion of a people against their prince. These gross irregularities, and abundance of others, which remained without remedy, and which were daily augmented by impunity, tired the people's patience, and occasioned a general discontent amongst them, THE HISTORY OF THE PERSIANS AND GRECIANS. SIA. BOOK XIII. all those who gave him any umbrage, sparing none of the nobility whom he suspected of harbouring the least! discontent whatsoever. A. M. 3648.. Ant. J. C. 356. The cruelties exercised by Ochus did not deliver him from inquietude.5 Artabazus, governor of one of the Asiatic provinces, engaged Chares the Athenian, who commanded a fleet and a body of troops in those parts, to assist him, and with his aid defeated an army of 70,000 men sent by the king to reduce him. Artabazus, in reward of so great a service, made Chares a present of money to defray the whole expenses of his armament. The king of Persia resented exceedingly this conduct of the Athenians towards him. They were at that time employed in the war of the allies. The king's menace to join their enemies with a numerous army obliged them to recall Charus. SECTION 1-OCHUS ASCENDS THE THRONE OF PER- | with the same barbarity, throughout the whole empire, HIS CRUELTIES. REVOLT OF SEVERAL NATIONS. THE more the memory of Artaxerxes Mnemon was honoured and revered throughout the whole empire, the more Ochus believed he had reason to fear for himself; convinced, that in succeeding to him, he should not find the same favourable dispositions in the people and nobility, by whom he had made himself abhorred for the murder of his two brothers. To prevent that aversion from occasioning his exclusion, he prevailed upon the eunuchs, and others about the king's person, to conceal his death from the public. He began by taking upon himself the administration of affairs, giving orders and sealing decrees in the name of Artaxerxes, as if he had been still alive; and by one of those decrees he caused himself to be proclaimed king throughout the whole empire, still by the order of Artaxerxes. After having governed in this manner almost ten months, believing himself sufficiently established, he at length declared the death of his father, and ascended the throne, taking upon himself the name of Artaxerxes. Authors, however, most frequently give him that of Ochus, by which name I shall generally call him in the sequel A. M. 3644. Ant. J. C. 360. of this history. 2 Ochus was the most cruel and wicked of all the princes of his race, as his actions soon evinced. In a very short time the palace and the whole empire were filled with his murders. To remove from the revolted provinces all pretext of setting some other of the royal family upon the throne, and to rid himself at once of all trouble that the princes and princesses of the blood might occasion him, he put them all to death, without regard to sex, age, or proximity of blood. He caused his own sister Ocha, whose daughter he had married, to be burried alive; and having shut up one of his uncles, with 100 of his sons and grandsons, in a court of the palace, he ordered them all to be shot to death with arrows, only because those princes were much esteemed by the Persians for their probity and valour. That uncle is probably the father of Sisygambis, the mother of Darius Codomannus: for Quintus Curtius4 tells us that Ochus had caused fourscore of her brothers, with their father, to be massacred in one day. He treated A. M. 3651.. Ant. J. C. 353.. Artabazus, being abandoned by them, had recourse to the Thebans, of whom he obtained 5000 men that he took into his pay, with Pammenes to command them. This reinforcement put him into a condition to acquire two signal victories over the king's troops. Those two actions did the Theban troops and their commander great honour. Thebes must have been extremely incensed against the king of Persia, to send so powerful a succour to his enemies, at a time when that republic was engaged in a war with the Phocæans. It was, perhaps, an effect of their policy, to render themselves more formidable, and to enhance the price of their alliance. It is certain that soon after they made their peace with the king, who paid them 300 talents, that is to say, 300,000 crowns. Artabazus, destitute of all support, was overcome at last, and obliged to take refuge with Philip in Macedon. Ochus being delivered at length from so dangerous an enemy, turned all his thoughts towards Egypt, that had revolted long before. About the same time seve ral considerable events happened in Greece, which have little or no connection with the affairs of Persia. I shall insert them here, after which I shall return to the reign of Ochus, not to interrupt the series of his history. 466 SECTION 11.-WAR OF THE ALLIES AGAINST THE SOME few years after the revolt of A. M. 3646. Asia Minor, of which I have been Ant. J. C. 358. speaking, in the third year of the 105th Olympiad, Chios, Cus, Rhodes, and Byzantium, took up arms against Athens, pon which till then they had been dependent. To reduce them, the Athenians employed both great forces and great captains; Chabrias, Iphicrates, and Timotheas They were the last of the Athenian generals, who did honour to their country; no one after them distinguishing himself by his merit or reputation. Chabrias had already acquired a great name,2 when, having been sent to the aid of the Thebans, against the Spartans, and seeing himself abandoned in the battle by the allies, who had taken flight, he sustained alone the charge of the enemy; his soldiers, by his order, having closed their files with one knee upon the ground, covered with their bucklers, and presenting their pikes in front, in such a manner that they could not be broken; and Agesilaus, though victorious, was obliged to retire. The Athenians erected a statue to Chabrias in the attitude in which he had fought. Iphicrates was of a very mean extraction, his father having been a shoemaker. But in a free city like Athens, merit was the sole nobility. This person may be truly said to have been the son of his actions. Having signalized himself in a naval combat, wherein ne was only a private soldier, he was soon after employed with distinction, and honoured with a command. In a prosecution carried on aga net hin: before the judges, his accuser, who was .e of the descendants of Harmodius, and plumed himself extremely upon his ancestor's name, having reproached him with the baseness of his birth; "Yes," replied he, "the nobility of my family begins in me; that of yours ends in you." He married the daughter of Cotys, king of Thrace. "He is ranked with the greatest men of Greece, especially in what regards the knowledge of war and military discipline. He made several useful alterations in the soldiers' armour. Before his time the bucklers were very long and heavy, and for that reason were too great a burden, and extremely cumbersome. He had them made shorter and lighter, so that, without exposing the body, they added to its force and agility. On the contrary, he lengthened the pikes and swords, to make them capable of reaching the enemy at a greater distance. He also changed the cuirasses, and instead of iron and brass, of which they were made before, he caused them to be made of linen. It is not easy to conceive how such armour could defend the soldiers, or be any security against wounds: bot the linen, being scaked in vinegar, mingled with salt, was prepared in such a manner that it grew hard, and became impenetrable to the sword as well as fire. The use of it was common amongst several nations. comes pernicious; or to rally with success, after hav ing begun to break and give way. So that when a battle was to be fought, on the first signal all was in motion with admirable promptitude and order. The officers and soldiers drew themselves up, of their own accord, in order of battle, and even in the heat of action performed their parts as the most able general would have directed them: a merit very rare, as I have been informed, but very estimable; as it contributes more than can be imagined to the gaining of a battle, and implies a very uncommon superiority of genius in the general. Timotheus was the son of Conon, so much celebrated for his great actions and the important services be had rendered his country. He did not degenerate from his father's reputation,5 either with regard to his merit in the field, or his ability in the government of the state; but he added to those excellences the glory which results from the talents of the mind, having dis tinguished himself particularly by the gift of eloquence and a taste for the sciences. No captain at first ever experienced less than himself the inconstancy of the fortune o. war. He had only to undertake an enterprise, to accomplish it. Success perpetually attended his views and desires. Such uncommon prosperity did not fail to excite jealousy. Those who envied him, as I have already observed, caused him to be painted asleep, with ForTimotune by his side taking cities for him in nets. theus retorted coolly, "If I take places in my sleep, what shall I do when I am awake?" He took the thing afterwards more seriously; and, angry with those who pretended to lecos the glory of his actions, declared in public, that he did we his success to Fortune, but to himself. That godie, says Plutarch, offended at his pride and arrogance, abandoned him afterwards entirely, and he was never successful afterwards. Such were the chiefs employed in the war of the allies. The war and the campaign opened with the seige of Chios. Chares commanded the land, and Chabrias the sea forces. All the allies exerted themselves in sending aid to that island. Chabrias, having forced the mouth of the harbour, entered it, notwithstanding all the endeavours of the enemy. The other galley. were afraid to follow, and abandoned him. He was immediately surrounded on all sides, and his vessei exceedingly damaged by the assaults of the enemy. He might have saved himself by swimming to the Athenian fleet, as his soldiers did; but from a mistaken principle of glory, he thought it inconsistent with the duty of a general to abandon his vessel in such a manner, and preferred a death, glonous in his opinion to a shameful flight. This first attempt having miscarried, both sides ap plied themselves vigorously to making new preparations. The Athenians fitted out a Beet of sixty gal leys, and appointed Chares to command it, and armed sixty more under Iphicrates and Timotheus. The fleet of the allics consisted of 100 sail. After having ravaged several islands belonging to the Athenians, where they made a great booty, they undertook the siege of Samos. The Athenians on their side, having united all their forces, besieged Byzantium. The allies made all possible haste to its relicf. The two fleets being in view of each other, were preparing to fight, when suddenly a violer.t storm arose: notwith standing which, Charcs resolved to advance against the enemy. The two other Captainz, who had more prudence and experience than be thought it improper te hazard a battle in sech a conjuncture. Chares, Cor. Nep. No troops were ever better exercised or disciplined than those of Iphicrates. He kept them always in action, and in times of peace and tranquillity made them perform all the necessary evolutions, either for attacking the enemy, or defending themselves; for laying ambascades, or avoiding them; for keeping their ranks even in the pursuit of the enemy, without abandoning themselves to an ardour which often be Hæc extrema fut atas unperatorud Atheniensrum, Iphicratis, Chabrir, Tuoctner; neque os illorum obituto quisquam dux in ula urbe tuit digus memoria. n Timol, c. iv. 2 Cor. Nep. in Chab, c, i. 3 Diod. I. xv p. 360. Cor. Nep. in Iphic. c. 1. Iphicrates Atheniensis, non tam magnitudine rerum gestarum, quàm disciplinâ militari nobilitatus est. Fuit enim talis dux, ut non solùm ætatis suæ cum primis compararetur, sed ne de majoribus ratu quidem casquam anteoneretur Car Nep. Hie à patre acceptam gloriam multis auxit virtutibus Fuit enim drtus, impiger, laboriosus, rei militaris peritus neque minus civitatis regendæ. Cor. Nep. c. i. Timotheus Cononis filius, cùm belli laude non infern fuisset quàm pater, ad eam laudem doctrinæ et ingen glə riam adjecit. Cic. 1. i, de Ofic. n. 116. Plut. Syl. p. 454. Diod. I. xvi. p. 412. Cor. Nep. in Chab. c, w |