as its patron saint. At about the same time preliminary steps were taken for the establishment of a college in Querétaro, but it was not founded till some years later.

On a more extensive scale were the Jesuit labors in Michoacan. In their colleges at Patzcuaro and Valladolid new converts were educated and made familiar with the native tongues of that region. Thus practically all the religious work of the bishopric was in the hands of the society. This success was due as well to their zeal as to the veneration in which some of the fathers were held, among them Francisco Ramirez and Juan Ferro.5

While thus the society was gaining ground in the central and northern regions, it was less successful in the south-east. In Oajaca the missions of the Jesuits were in a poor condition," and in Yucatan where a college had been founded under the most promising auspices,' they could never attain the same influence as elsewhere.

This failure, however, was more than compensated for in Mexico and its neighborhood, where their establishments were more flourishing than ever before; and costly structures, the number of which was constantly increasing, gave evidence of their wide-spread influence. In 1603 was consecrated the church of the Colegio Máximo in Mexico, at that time not surpassed in magnificence by any church edifice in New Spain. The highest dignitaries often officiated there; among others Archbishop García Guerra, who held

8

4 Pedro de Egurrola is mentioned as the first rector. Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 205. The same author gives many, though uninteresting, details connected with the foundation.

5 The former labored for 60 years among the Tarascos, and at the colleges of Patzcuaro and Valladolid. Ferro was famous as an excellent linguist, having confessed persons in five or six different languages.

The Dominicans, who predominated in this province, though otherwise stanch friends of the Jesuits, labored energetically to maintain their own superiority.

On May 19, 1618. Later the privileges of a university were also granted. Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., 215-16, 449.

El mas suntuoso que habia entónces en México.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 408.

CHURCHES AND COLLEGES.

119

services during lent of 1608, the bishops of Oajaca and Michoacan acting as his assistants. The crown also favored the society at this time. Since 1582 the college of San Pedro y San Pablo, established originally by the first provincial, had suffered many vicissitudes, and when abandoned by the Jesuits in consequence of the pretentious behavior of its patrons, fell into decay. By a cédula of May 29, 1612, the management was again placed in the hands of the order, and the Jesuits took formal possession in January 1618, after which it was incorporated with the college of San Ildefonso, although under the royal patronage.'

Another establishment of similar character and under the same name was founded some years later in Puebla, when Ildefonso de la Mota, bishop of that sce, transferred to the society a church and several houses for the foundation of a college,10 with chairs for theology and philosophy. Viceroy Cerralvo later endowed it with the privilege of bestowing university degrees.11

Since 1618 the Jesuits had also been presented with the curacy of Tepotzotlan, where they had a house for novices, and labored gratuitously as the natives could not maintain a regular parish priest. Occasionally disputes arose, apparently originated by claims for greater independence from episcopal jurisdiction; but favorable reports of the ruling viceroys caused the society to remain in undisturbed possession for many

years.

Stimulated by the success of their labors, as well

Florencia, Hist. Prov. Jesus, 174-80; Recop. Ind., i. 212. At the same time the statutes for its government were issued. Alegre, ii. 96-103.

10 For some unknown reason the bishop abandoned his original project to establish a hospital for natives. Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 155–7.

The bishop died before the chairs were established; and then the church of Puebla claimed that the donation was null on the ground that it had been made by the deceased after receiving the last sacraments, and therefore unlawfully, a statement which is refuted by Alegre. Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 155– 8, 193-4. Later a compromise settled the dispute.

12 Ribas, Hist. Triumphos, 731-2, says it was the only curacy that the society held.

among Spaniards as natives, the Jesuits continued to amass wealth, though under the guise of poverty; and well aware of the sympathy bestowed on them by rich and poor, they were not afraid of adversaries. This appeared when, in 1639, troubles began between the Jesuits and the chapter of the cathedral of Puebla about a donation made to the society by the prebendary, Hernando de la Serna.13 The dispute arose concerning a farm valued at sixty thousand pesos, and intended for the establishment of a Jesuit college at Vera Cruz. Notwithstanding an order of the ecclesiastical cabildo, forbidding Serna to make the conveyance, except to a party subject to the payment of tithes, the transfer was made to the society. The vicar-general of the diocese in consequence attached the remainder of Serna's property," to guarantee the payment of the tithes, and demanded that the donation be annulled under threat of severe ecclesiastical censure. Serna protested against the legality of such proceeding and of course received support from the Jesuits, who also disputed the authority of the vicargeneral.15

Such was the state of affairs when Palafox arrived in New Spain. As he had always been a friend of the society, and had given repeated proofs of such friendship, an immediate and favorable decision was expected. At first his rule was promising for the Jesuits; the embargo on the prebendary's property and income was modified so as to comprise only the amount of the tithes involved, and a free disposal allowed of the remainder. The bishop refused a more

13 Bustamante, in Cavo, Tres Siglos, ii. 20, followed by Rivera, Gobernantes, i. 144, calls him Hermenegildo de la Serna. Alegre says Fernando and Hernando; Palafox, in his different works, gives Hernando.

14 As an additional reason it was said that two sisters of the donor owned a certain part of the farm, and being nuns of the convent de la Concepcion, under the jurisdiction of the see of Puebla, their shares could not be alienated without episcopal consent. Palafox, Carta del Ven., 119-21. Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 223-4, asserts that the donation was made by Serna and his mother, and the deed signed Feb. 22, 1639.

15 Alegre, 226, carefully avoids mentioning why the cathedral demanded the revocation of the gift.

WAR ON PALAFOX.

121

pronounced use of his authority, convinced that the request of the cabildo was founded on justice. He therefore advised the Jesuits either quietly to await the result of the law-suit then pending concerning the property, or to compromise, recommending the latter course.16 But this counsel was not accepted. To compromise now, would seem to render their pretensions unfounded. Applications were once more made to the bishop, usually couched in respectful phrase, but occasionally imperative in tone. No favorable answer was received, and thus gradually a colder feeling was created between the prelate and the society.

Thus matters continued till 1643, when a council of the Jesuit order," where Andres Perez de Ribas and Juan de Sangüesa were elected as proctors, prompted the bishop to issue a document in defense of his church. This was despatched to Spain by the same fleet in which the proctors took their departure. The emissaries of the society obtained nothing in Spain, and, when this became known in Mexico, the provincial, Francisco Calderon, published a pamphlet against the bishop's policy. Palafox had meanwhile been exposed to many annoyances on the part of his former friends. Sermons were preached against him by the Jesuit priests, especially by Father Juan de San Miguel. During his illness in the beginning of 1647, when a great festivity was held in one of their churches, he was treated with open discourtesy, and much ill-feeling was manifested when the society lost another law-suit about an inheritance,18 as they supposed through the bishop's influence. All this con

16 Que era mejor componer este pleito...y con soltar los diez, lograban los padres los ciento.' Palafox, Carta del Ven., 120. The want of the royal license for the projected foundation was another reason why Palafox refused to decide against the cathedral.

17 The usual time was November, but in order that proctors might be sent to Spain it was convoked in February.

15 They attempted to appropriate one half of a legacy of 50,000 pesos, the administration of which had been intrusted to the society as executors of the will. Palafox, Carta del Ven., 123.

tributed to bring about a rupture, which was to be felt throughout New Spain.19

Palafox retaliated, prohibiting Father Juan de San Miguel from preaching, and complaining to the general of the order. The main issue was taken, however, on ash-Wednesday, the 6th of March, 1647, when his provisor and vicar-general, Juan de Merlo, suspended the licenses of the Jesuit fathers to preach and to confess, until recognized and ratified by the bishop. A term of twenty-four hours was granted to obtain the confirmation. The members of the order were no less provoked than surprised at this edict, and regarded it as an inroad on their privileges. True they had not the exequatur of the India Council,20 but they were, or at least thought themselves, protected by their office from the wrath of the prelate, who, moreover, as visitador and viceroy had rendered them all possible assistance. The pending dispute about the payment of tithes became now a secondary matter; the great question was whether they should comply with the edict of the vicar-general. Two priests were sent to the bishop to inform him of the society's exemption from procuring or exhibiting licenses and privileges; but this measure made no impression on Palafox, who as a former member of the India Council, and one well acquainted with the entire system of colonial legislation, enjoined the Jesuits either to prove their rights by presentation of the alleged documents, or obtain the necessary licenses after previous examination as to their ability." Having thus failed, they strove to gain time, claiming that they were subject

19 Temporarily a reconciliation had been effected through the intercession of the Jesuit visitador Juan de Bueras, but after his death the bishop was again persecuted. In Carta del Ven., 138-41, Palafox makes the hardly credible assertions that toward the end of 1646 the Jesuits attempted to obtain from the viceroy his banishment from New Spain, and, failing in that, even suggested murder!

20 Such is the assertion of Palafox, which finds a tacit confirmation in the reticence of Alegre about so necessary a formality.

21 The bishop was doubtless right, but it seems as if the laws on the subject had not been rigidly enforced of late. Palafox, Obras, xii. 17, 56, maintains that in three years only one Jesuit priest had applied for a license.