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SIGÜENZA Y GÓNGORA.

for this act. He states that it was done at the instance of Sigüenza's father. Though his fame was now daily increasing and honors began to be showered upon him, nothing could induce him to leave his retirement. Cárlos II. appointed him royal cosmographer, and confirmed his appointment to the chair of mathematics in the University of Mexico. His fame even reached the court of Louis the Great, who vainly offered him appointments and pensions. When not engaged in attending to his duties at the hospital, or in acts of charity, his time was devoted to study.

Associated with the celebrated writer on ancient Mexican history, Ixtlilxochitl, Sigüenza perfected his knowledge of the language and history of the Aztecs. Ixtlilxochitl, at his death, left all his papers to Sigüenza, as the person best fitted to write the history of his ancestors, and of whom he spoke as his friend in the sciences and teacher in virtue.' In 1693 he was commissioned by Viceroy Galve to assist in the exploration of the gulf coast. He examined the coast as far as Mobile Bay, which he explored, as also that of Pensacola, and the mouth of the Mississippi River. Vetancvrt, Trat. Mex., p. x; Granados, Tardes Amer., 414; Museo Mex., ii. 471-3. His report of this expedition was written upon his return, under the title of Descripcion de la Bahía de Santa María de Galve, de la Mobila y rio de la Palizada ó Mississíppi, en la costa septentrional del Seno Mexicano. A manuscript signed by Sigüenza, entitled Reconocimiento de la Bahia de Panzacola en Florida, probably the same as the foregoing, has been preserved in the collection of the late Don José Fernando Ramirez. His first published work was the Primavera Indiana, a sacred poem describing the apparition of our Lady of Guadalupe of Mexico. Beristain states that it appeared in 1662, and subsequently in 1668 and 1683, but Vetancurt, Teatro Mex., p. x, mentions the edition of 1668 only. Between 1667 and 1682, two more poems of a sacred character were published, and in 1681 his celebrated Manifiesto filosofico contra los cometas appeared. His theory was immediately attacked by three prominent scholars, among whom was the subsequently famous Jesuit missionary, Father Eusebio Kino, recently arrived in Mexico. To this latter Sigüenza successfully replied with a pamphlet entitled Libra Astronómica, published in 1690. To another, Martin de la Torre, a Flemish gentleman, he replied with his El Belorofonte Matemático, contra la quimera astrológica de D. Martin de la Torre, which according to Beristain was never issued. In 1684 the Parayso Occidental, was published. From 1690 to 1693, several works were printed treating of special historical subjects, and in 1693, the Mercurio Volante appeared, which was extended to four volumes, and was probably the first newspaper published in New Spain. His last work was El Oriental Planeta Evangelico, which appeared in 1700, shortly after his death. The most valuable as well as the most numerous of his writings, however, were those he left in manuscript. Besides the papers of Ixtlilxochitl, he possessed those of Chimalpain Pomar, Gutierrez de Santa Clara, and Zurita, all writers on antiquities excepting the last named. With the aid of these he pursued his researches in the language, origin, and history of the Aztecs, and the results of his labors were embodied in several volumes, among which were the Año Mexicano, Imperio Chichimeco, Fenix del Occidente, and Genealogia de los Emperadores Mexicanos. Nicolás Antonio, Bib.-Hisp. Nova, i.

253

232, cites the Imperio Chichimeco, as Del Origin de los Indios Mexicanos; the Fenix del Occidente, as De la predicacion de Santo Tomas Apostol, these and the Ciclografia Mexicana and Mitologia Mexicana being the only works of Sigüenza mentioned. The most definite information we have of these works is from his friends and companions, Sebastian de Guzman y Córdoba, and Vetancurt.

Guzman, in the preface to Sigüenza's Libra Astronomica, which he published, says of the Año Mexicano, 'this book, though not large in body, has a gigantic soul, and Don Carlos only could have given it being.' It is a treatise on the Mexican system of chronology. Beginning with the deluge, by comparing the occurrences of eclipses and other events as recorded by both Aztecs and the nations of the old world, the historical epochs of the former were adjusted to the chronology of the latter. The Ciclografia Mexicana, also a manuscript, and devoted to the same subject, is cited by Nicolás Antonio, Pinelo, and other bibliographers as a distinct work, but I am disposed to regard it with Beristain as another title of the same work. The Imperio Chichimeco, according to Guzman, was a history of the different nations composing the Chichimec empire, their customs, religion, and political and military institutions; the knowledge of their system of chronology enabling the author to correct the errors of previous writers. The Fenix del Occidente, to which in modern times has also been given the title of Fenix de la America, was an attempt to prove that the apostle Saint Thomas had preached in New Spain, by identifying him with Quetzalcoatl. Vetancurt, writing between 1692 and 1698, mentions the Geneologia de los Emperadores Mexicanos. Del Origen de los Indios Mexicanos, an account of the origin of the Toltecs, is mentioned by Vetancurt and Nicolás Antonio among Sigüenza's manuscripts, and the latter also cites the Mitologia Mexicana, or the Mexican gods compared with those of the ancient Romans, Greeks, and Egyptians, whose existence some authors are inclined to doubt, believing that the mythology of Torquemada is confounded with the Anotaciones críticas, á las obras de Bernal Diaz del Castillo y de Fr. Juan de Torquemada, another manuscript by Sigüenza. Several other manuscripts on religion, politics, science, and biography are mentioned by the various bibliographers, the most complete list being given by Beristain, in his Bib. Hisp. Amer., 160 et seq. Pinelo, Epitome, ii. 581 et seq., gives the extensive list of Sigüenza's printed and manuscript works, but it is far from complete, and the list of manuscripts is taken wholly from Vetancurt and Nicolás Antonio. Among the other authorities who give lists more or less complete, chiefly compilations or copies of the foregoing, are Ortiz, Mex. Indep. y Libre, 192-7; Museo Mex., ii. 471-9; Gullo, Hombres Пlus., ii. 351-52; Zamacois, Ilist. Méj., v. 490-1. Of all these valuable manuscripts but few now remain, and those are exceedingly rare. In the preface to his Parayso Occidental, p. xiv, Sigüenza laments the want of means to publish his works, and fears that they will die with him, a fear which was in part realized. At his death, which occurred at Mexico City August 22, 1700, he left to the Jesuits, besides his library, twenty-eight volumes of manuscripts. At the expulsion of this order in 1767 they were transferred to the university of Mexico, where but some eight or nine volumes existed about the beginning of the present century. Among the manuscripts which have survived the inexcusable neglect

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of his countrymen, I have had the good fortune to acquire the rare and valuable Feniz del Occilente, Anotaciones Criticas, and Aboroto y Motin de los Indios de Mexico. This last is a full and detailed account of the memorable riot in Mexico City of the 8th of June 1692, written in the form of a letter to the Spanish admiral, Andrés de Pez, with permission for its publication. It consists of eighty closely written folio pages, in the author's graceful style, and with what appears to be his autograph signature. This was never pub lished, and is now quoted for the first time. No mention of it is to be found in any of the existing works on bibliography.

Sigüenza counted among his friends all the prominent persons of his time who were attracted to him no less by his modesty and other qualities of heart than by those of his superior mind. One of these was the celebrated Mexican poetess Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz; and on her death, in 1695, he wrote her eulogy. Gemelli Careri sought his friendship, and in his Giro del Mundo has acknowledged the assistance generously given him, and paid a just tribute to the genius of Sigüenza. His countrymen showed their appreciation of his services and their sorrow for his death by a magnificent funeral and general mourning, but no fitting tribute has otherwise been paid to the memory of this benefactor of his race.

CHAPTER XIV.

VICEROYS MONTAÑEZ AND MONTEZUMA.

1696-1701.

E INSURRECTIONS IN THE CAPITAL-THE BARATILLO SUPPRESSED-NAR-
ROW ESCAPE OF THE TREASURE FLEET-ANOTHER FAMINE-MONTEZUMA
SUCCEEDS MONTAÑEZ-FAIR AT ACAPULCO-OBSEQUIES ON THE DEATH OF
CARLOS II.-REJOICINGS AT THE ACCESSION OF FELIPE V.-MONTEZUMA
SUSPECTED OF DISLOYALTY--A WORTHY RULER DEPOSED JESUIT EXPE-
DITIONS TO LOWER CALIFORNIA.

On the 27th of February 1696 Juan de Ortega Montañez, bishop of Michoacan, succeeded Galve as viceroy of New Spain, his rule lasting only until the 18th of December following. Between 1662 and 1673 he was inquisitor of Mexico, and in the latter year was appointed bishop of Guadiana, but did not take possession of that see, since in 1675 he was promoted to the bishopric of Guatemala, and being consecrated the same year left Mexico in December. In 1682 he was again transferred, and assumed the prelacy of Michoacan two years later. A rigid disciplinarian in church government, he was no less exact in the performance of his political duties; and though zealous in maintaining the dignity of his rank, he was generous withal and kind-hearted.

Exactly one month after the instalment of Montañez a serious riot occurred, headed by the students

1 In 1695 the conde de Cañete was appointed viceroy, but did not arrive, owing to his inability to pay 300,000 pesos which he had promised for the office. On the 21st of January 1696 a despatch was received appointing Dr Manuel Fernandez de Santa Cruz, the bishop of Puebla, viceroy, but he refused to accept the administration. A second despatch named Ortega as viceroy. Robles, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., 1st ser., iii. 140–1, 181, 186, 189–91.

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of the university, during which the pillory in the public square was burned. On the following day the authorities, having taken the necessary precautions to prevent disturbance, proceeded to erect another pillory. The collection of stalls and traders' tables, which had been replaced after the fire of 1692, and more especially the baratillo, where second-hand and stolen goods were bought and sold, were still resorted to by idlers and vagabonds, thieves and assassins. Thither congregated the vicious of all classes, including also the students of the university, and the suppression of such haunts of vice and crime was necessary. The new viceroy accordingly issued a decree ordering the removal of all trading stalls, especially the baratillo, the reërection of which in any part of the city he prohibited under pain of death. Ortega's measures met with opposition, but were nevertheless carried out, though it was necessary that for some time troops should constantly patrol the streets.2

In spite of all precautions, however, a serious plot. for a general insurrection was discovered at the end of April, which was the more dangerous from the fact that the Indians of the wards of San Juan and Santa Clara possessed fire-arms. The intention of the conspirators was to rise on the departure of the flota, by which a large number of Spaniards would leave Mexico. But the watchful care of the viceroy detected the plot; troops were mustered, the palace guard doubled, and all necessary measures taken to secure peace.3

"The viceroy enjoined the religious orders not to appear frequently in the streets or alone. The students of the university were ordered to wear their hair after the fashion of those of Salamanca, and also to adopt similar collars. Id., 195. Shortly after the erection of the new pillory, a pasquinade was found attached to it beginning with the words: 'Nos los inquisidores.' Id., 195.

3 The crown highly approved of Montañez' action at this crisis, and sent instructions to him and the criminal judges to make every effort to keep order and suppress assemblages of the idle and vicious. At the same time the viceroy was made to understand that any negligence or want of activity on his part would meet with severe displeasure and punishment. Refractory and turbulent persons of the lowest class were to be punished by the infliction of 200 lashes; others in proportion to their rank. Criminal Spaniards were to be HIST. MEX., VOL. III. 17

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