Nayarit practically ends. There was no further opposition meriting the name even in comparison with past events; neither do subsequent developments require more than a general glance here. The attention of the Christians was first turned to the destruction of temples on the mesa, with all their paraphernalia of idolatry. Evil influences were exorcised, though not easily, by the zealous conjurations of the friars; a temporary structure for mass was erected without delay; and the bones of the first Nayar were sent with other relics and trophies to Mexico. The new province in accordance with the viceroy's wish was called Nuevo Reino de Toledo, because he attributed the successful conquest largely to the image of our lady worshipped in the cathedral of Toledo. Flores was made comandante of the territory he had won as lieutenant of the captain-general. The natives on the adjoining Mesa del Cangrejo had kept their promise, merely rolling down a few stones where they could do no harm and making some noise during the battle in order to make a good showing in case the Spaniards were defeated. They now came in and offered their submission, and other rancherías followed their example. Soldiers were despatched in every direction, and the whole native population was gradually subdued, though not without considerable difficulty and delay by reason of the abundance of almost inaccessible hiding-places long frequented by apostates.31

30

The missionaries were as usual earnest and industrious; the military guard at first sufficient; and the local troubles and partial revolts less frequent and serious than might have been anticipated from the

29 The trophies arrived in Mexico Feb. 12, 1722, where they were burned with great ceremony for the good of the faith. Gacetas de Mex., Feb. 1722. This author calls the temple luci Calli, the image of the sun worshipped in it Tonati, and the Gran Nayari whose bones were sent to Mexico Guayco or 'third.' Mota-Padilla calls the temple Caliguei.

30 Their chief is called Cangrejo in Relacion, 20.

31 Mota-Padilla gives more importance to these various expeditions than does the author of the Afanes, and represents the soldiers' sufferings as very great from exposure, scorpions, etc. According to Nayaritas, Relacion, a Franciscan friar, P. Arroyo, accompanied the army.

32

PRESIDIOS AND MISSIONS.

329

character of the people. Already a presidio of San Juan, and a pueblo, or mission, of Santa Rita had been established at Peyotlan; and preparations had been made for a pueblo of Santa Teresa at Guaimarus in the north. Now the pueblo of Trinidad and presidio of San Francisco Javier de Valero were founded on the mesa, as capital of the province, with Father Tellez in charge; in the north were founded the pueblo of Santa Gertrudis 33 and the presidio of San Salvador el Verde; while on the river were located Jesus María and San Francisco de Paula.3

34

Governor Flores left Nayarit in March to visit his hacienda, not returning until the end of May. During his absence there were some disturbances; many Indians ran away to join a rebellious band under Alonso at the ranchería of Santiago; and a party searching for mines was attacked, by its own fault, and one man lost. On the comandante's return, however, with reënforcements, and with two padres, José Bautista Lopez and José Mesa, order was restored, and Alonso soon gave up the useless struggle. A new establishment of San Ignacio was founded at Guainamota under Captain Rioja and Father Mesa. In July Flores made an expedition into the territory of the Tecualmes and Coras, and with natives of these tribes founded San Juan Bautista and San Pedro on the Rio de San Pedro. Of all the fugitives, an apostate female leader named Juana Burro held out longest against the Spaniards; but she at last yielded to gospel influence and muskets. The comandante was now absent again for a year or more; but all went well with the missions, the new one of Rosario being

35

32 Coynamams, Guaimaruzi, or Coaymarus. It was about 20 leagues northwest of the mesa.

33 According to Relacion, 17, 20, Sta Teresa was the presidio and Sta Gertrudis the pueblo, and they were six leagues apart.

3 The Relacion, 27, states that the presidio of San Juan Bautista was afterward moved to Jesus María. Mota-Padilla, Cong. N. Gal., 480, says a pueblo of Guadalupe was founded in February, 12 1. east of the mesa. The Relacion, 20, says it was on the mesa 12 leagues from the real.

35 At Guazamota according to Dicc. Univ., x. 18.

founded, and fathers Urbano de Covarrubias, Cristóbal Lauria, and Manuel Fernandez being added to the Jesuit force.

Flores came back to Nayarit at the end of 1723, and new troubles soon arose, resulting in the temporary abandonment of Trinidad and Santa Gertrudis, the burning of the churches at Rosario and Santa Teresa, and the death of one of the leading allies of the Spaniards named Luna. Aid was sent, however, from different quarters, and quiet restored without much difficulty. It is said that none of the missions revolted on this occasion unless the padre was absent. Perfect safety was secured before March, when Flores returned with a body of fugitives whom he had pursued into Durango.

The tonati does not seem to have been a very important personage in these latter days. He wandered for some time, a fugitive even from his own people, until captured by the Spaniards in 1722. He was baptized in 1725, when the visitador Rivera stood as godfather to this relic of Nayarit royalty. Rivera found nearly four thousand Indians in ten settlements, all in excellent condition; and when in 1728 the bishop came on a pastoral visit he was delighted with his reception and with the progress of the converts.

Indeed from this time, so far as the record shows, the Nayarits were model converts, attached to their teachers, living quietly in their settlements, and all the more orderly doubtless because few Spaniards ever had occasion to visit their mountain homes. The missions were still flourishing in 1767 under seven Jesuits, who were expelled with their order." They

36 Alegre speaks of 5,000 pesos distributed to pay for damages during the conquest; he also mentions difficulties in 1729 caused by the bad character of the soldiers sent to the country. Hist. Comp., iii. 227-8, 238-9. It is stated, however, by Mota-Padilla, writing in 1742, that the people had given no trouble since the conquest, and that the military governors might well be dispensed with. Conq. N. Gal., 510. In 1725 a presidio with 38 soldiers was still kept up. Villa-Señor, Teatro, ii. 270. In 1752 a real de minas was established at Bolaños and part of Nayarit brought under a corregidor. Instruccion Vireyes, 44-57.

37 The seven missions in 1767 were Santa Rita, Santa Teresa, San Pedro,

MODERATION OF THE MISSIONARIES.

331

were then with their settlements turned over to the Franciscans of Nueva Galicia. The principal mission on the mesa was transferred on February 1st, the same day the Jesuits left. All the missions were reported to be in a lamentable condition as to the spiritual and temporal welfare of the natives, who received no religious instruction, absented themselves at will, and worshipped their idols unmolested, so that it was necessary to use force in order to bring in whole families living thus. At the time the Tecualmes of San Pedro Iscatan still spoke their native tongue; but this was entirely lost before 1785, when they used the mixed Mexican and Spanish spoken in most of the New Spain missions. At the other Nayarit missions the Indians were Coras.38

The province was garrisoned by a company of about forty soldiers, under a comandante who was at the same time protector of the Indians, and who not infrequently misused his power to oppress the natives. It is said the Jesuits had been so lenient with their flock that under their régime the Indians only confessed in articulo mortis, and most frequently through interpreters. If the Franciscans applied more stringent measures, it is not shown that they made more. progress than their predecessors; in 1789 only twelve friars were engaged in missionary work in Nayarit, nor do the records show how long the garrison or missions were continued.40

Jesus María, Trinidad, Guainamota, and Rosario. Comp. de Jesus, Catálogo. Villa-Señor, Teatro, ii. 271, in 1745 adds the following names: San Joaquin, Santa María, San Lucas, Dolores, and Tecualmes. Orozco y Berra, Geog., 279-80, adds San Juan Corapa, Santa Fé, and San Diego.

38 Navarro, Misiones de Nayarit, in Pinart, Col. Doc. Mex., 467-80. This author, who was one of the Franciscans to whom the missions were transferred, states that each had its ranchos of horned cattle, horses, mules, goats, and sheep. All that belonged to the missions had been placed in deposit with Joaquin Hernandez Solis, a minero matriculado of the real of Tenamachi, who sold everything without rendering an account to the royal treasury. He turned over to the Franciscans only the empty mission buildings without furniture or utensils of any kind; even the standing crops had been sold, so the friars were obliged to buy maize for their subsistence.

39 Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da ép., i. 572.

40 The principal authorities consulted on matters treated in this chapter have been quoted in separate notes. From certain passages in the Apostólicos

Afanes, I infer that the author was the friar in charge of Santa Rita and Jesus María from a date somewhat earlier than 1728, that he wrote much of his work at Santa Rita, that his name was probably Joseph Ortega, and that the part of his narrative relating to Nayarit was largely founded on a manuscript from the pen of father Antonio Arias de Ibarra. Frejes, however, speaks of father Fluvia as the author. Hist. Breve, 20. Of the three parts which make up the volume the first is entitled Maravillosa reduccion y conquista de la Provincia de San Joseph del Gran Nayar, Nuevo Reino de Toledo, filling 25 chapters and 223 pages. It is therefore the leading authority for the present chapter of my work. Mota-Padilla's Conq. N. Gal., 271-2, 319, 458–87, 510, written ten years earlier than the Afanes, and not consulted by the author of that work, contains some information not included in the Jesuit record, and is hardly second to it as an authority. Alegre, Hist. Comp., iii. 196-239, gives a very full account of the subject, following the Afanes pretty closely, and his version is repeated in Dicc. Univ. Geog., x. 10-18, 834. Arlegui, Cron. Zac., 89-90, 172-3, 201, and Arricivita, Cron. Seráf., 88-92, narrate the acts of the Franciscans in the Nayarit region.