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FONSECA, URRUTIA, AND ELHUYAR.

ernment of Mexico under Spanish rule, as can well be found. The manuscript was not originally intended for publication, but upon its being found in the archives after the declaration of independence, it was printed by permission of the Mexican government. To the financier of the time when it was written it was an invaluable work; to the modern historian it is equally useful, as exposing the incessant drain made by the Spanish government, generation after generation, upon the American colonies. The volumes contain copies of numerous royal cédulas relative to every branch of the revenue, as well as the history of each one's origin and development. Statistical tables abound; and it rarely occurs that a fair estimate of the proceeds of every department cannot be formed from them. Nevertheless the work is not without its faults. The bad chronological arrangement of cédulas is confusing, and typographical errors in dates have been allowed to creep into the text. The oppressive burdens imposed upon the Mexicans were taxing their endurance beyond limit; of this Fonseca and Urrutia, however, saw nothing, and every new exaction imposed upon colonist or Indian was regarded as affectionate zeal on the part of the king to legislate for the welfare and prosperity of his subjects.

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With regard to the mint and coinage I find the work of Fausto de Elhuyar, entitled Indagaciones sobre La Amonedacion en Nueva España, Madrid, 1818, to be extremely useful. His researches were conducted with great care, and supply a concise and correct history of the mint from its establishment down to the 10th of August 1814, when he laid before the mining tribunal of Mexico, of which he was director, the result of his labors. In this book, which consists of 142 pages, he gives an account of the different coins struck off and the modifications which they experienced at various periods, also of the new system when the administration was assumed by the government. He moreover considers with attention the causes by which the interests of the mining industry suffered and suggests remedies. Being a highly scientific man he did not fail to gain the appreciation of Humboldt, who describes him as 'le savant d'Elhuyar,' and 'Le savant directeur du tribunal de Mineria de Mexico.' Essai Polit., i. 118, 293.

The authorities consulted for this chapter are: Reales Cédulas, MS., i. 8-9, 92-7; ii. 1-3, 10-11, 43, 70, 104-5, 209-24, 238; Providencias Reales, MS., 13 et seq.; Ordenes de la Corona, MS., i. 133, 211-12; iii. 75-6, 111-12, 140-1; Azanza, Ynstruc., MS., passim; Cedulario, MS., i. 99, 135–43; iii. 64, 78-80, 129-32, 230-2, 247-53; iv. 82-99, 202–24; Linares, Instruc., MS., 3-28; Vireyes de Mex., Ynstruc., MS., 1-5; Reales Ordenes, i. 111-231, 314, 340-461; iv. 367-72, 405-6, 436-59; v. 173–8, 291–324; Revilla Gigedo, Instruc., MS., ii. passim; Id., Bandos, 17 et seq.; Villa-Señor, Theatro, i. 33-61; Torquemada, i. 614; iii. 260-1; Cogollvdo, Hist. Yuc., 101, 541, 617; Vetancvrt, Trat. Mex., 30-2; Calle, Mem. y Not., 42-50, 60, 92, 112, 118, 183; Puga, Cedulario, 27 et seq.; Florida, Col. Doc., 126-8; Doc. Ecles. Mex., MS., v. 1-2; Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., ii. 191; iii. 534; vi. 166–74; 447-8, 499, 512-13; vii. 208-9; xiii. 193-5, 200, 217-18; Cartas de Indias, 659-60; Certificacion de las Mercedes, MS., 96-209; Nuera España, Acuerdos, MS., 4-6, 12, 73-4; Doc. Hist. Mex., série i. tom. i. 4, 121-8, 297, 328, 470-8, 50822, 536-9; tom. ii. 74-8, 207, 217, 294; tom. iv. 62, 91, 168-9, 175, 190-8; Col. Doc. Inéd., xxi. 523-52; Durango, Doc. Hist., MS., 110; Montemayor, Sumarios, 49-50, 112–13, 152–63, 237-76; Disposiciones Varias, i. 59 et seq.;

ii. 3-15; iii. 18, 25-39, 56-63; Recop. de Indias, i. ii., passim: Monumentos Domin. Esp., MS., 30-2, 81, 123, 165-6; Id., Hist. y Pol., MS., 373-46, 501-89; Guijo, Diario, passim; Guatemala, Autos de Parte, MS., 1-41; Samaniego, Relacion, passim; America, Descrip., MS., 122–3; Zurita, Relacion, MS., 18-21, 44-75; Alaman, Disert, ii. 102-5, 310-16; Id., Hist. Mej., i. 4 et seq.; Leyes Varias Anot., MS., 53–5, 353–7; Robles, Diario, 74–8, 207, 217, 294; Lerdo de Tejada, Apunt. Hist., 301-9, 388; Id., Comerc. Estal., 21-3; Diezmos de Indias, passim; Monte Pio de Oficinas, Prontuario, 1-50; Beleña, Recop., i. 38-78, 123-5, 166-7; Mayorga, Derechos, passim; Arce y Echeagaray, Instruc., 1-96; Mexico, Contestacion á los Observ., 71, 100-102; Id., Derechos, 1-14; Id., Estado de Real Hac., 94; Id., Exposicion al Soh. Cong., 30; Id., Memoria Agric. 1843, 2-4; Id., Memoria Hac. 1844, 3-7; Id., 1849, 4-18, 56; Id., 1870, 38, 61-5; Id., Memoria Presentada, 1-60; Id., Memoria Rel. 1852, 6; Id., Not. Ciud. Mex., 132–3, 298-9, 307-28, 337–60; Id., Reales Aranzeles, 1-112; Id., Rel. Estado, 4-5; Id., Reglamento, passim; Squier's MSS., ii. 18-21, 44-75; Guerra, Modo, 1-80; Willie, Not. Hac., 1-6, 20-2; Estalla, xxvi. 284, 344; xxvii. 11-15, 217-46; Intendentes Real Ord., 202-62; Orozco y Berra, Mem. Ciud. Mex., 168–71; Cavo, Tres Siglos, pp. xiii.-xxiii. 121, 131; ii. 16-17, 147-60, 182-4; iii. 15, 265–71; Manifiesto de su Justicia, 1-58; Fonseca y Urrutia, Real Hac., i.-vi., passim; Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, ii. 7, 17-40; v. 336; viii. 556–7; x. 505-Ìl; xi. 320–1; I‹., 2da ep. i. 297, 330, 348, 376, 404-22; iii. 93-4, 179–81, 201–2; Zamora, B.b. Leg. Ult., i. 25-8, 31; ii. 533-40; iii. 35–63, 209-12, 432-59; vi. 81-96; Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i. tom. x. 243-56, 451-3; série ii. tom. v. 85, 124-5, 170-2, 191, 246-74; Zúñiga y O., Calend., 72-5, 88-98, 119, 146–S; Rivera, Gobernantes Mex., i. 30, 99-100, 132 et seq.; Museo Mex., i. 353-8, 393-402; iii. 407-8; iv. 94, 259-60; Elhuyar, Indagaciones, passim; Laharpe, Abrégé, x. 251-3; Ordenanzas para el Gobierno, 1-59; Id., Real Renta Polvora, 1-73; Id., Real Rente Naypes, 1-35; Id., Labor Monedas, 1-59; Mayer's Mex. Azt., i. 141, 248, 274–5; ii. 92, 96, 107–8; Cancelada, Tel. Mex., 32-6, 47–51, 166-9, 285-97; Id., Ruina de la N. Esp., 37-8; Denis, Arte Plumaria, 8; Tributos, Reglamento, 1-14; Id., Reglamento y Ordenanzas, 1–66; Arancel derechos, 1-39; Hernandez, Estad. Mej., 133; Nouv. Annales des Voy., iv. 254-5; Humboldt, Essai Pol., i. 279; ii. 578-82, 675-81, 734, 803; Id., New Spain, iv. 205-81; Id., Tablas Estad., MS., 46-54; Id., Versuch, 1-29, 55, 120-21; Gaceta Mex., i.-x., passim; Alzate, Gacetas, i. 82, 106–7; Guia de Hac., i. 72-3; ii. 59–68, 116–28, 141-4; San Miliun, Juez Oficial, 1–19; Cortes, Diario, iv. 106-8; v. 220; Ward's Mex., i. 55; ii. 12, 15, 31-2, 49, 58; Chevilier, Le Mexique, 533–43; Fabrica y Estampa de Naypes, 1-16; Domenech, Hist. Mex., i. 250-51, 278; Tributos, Reglamento de, 1-14; Guerra, Rev. de N. Esp., i. 175–6, 299–301; ii. 630-31; Arrillaga, Recop., 1830, 453–523; Id., Informe que dieron, 12; Galvez, Informe Marquis Son., passim; Diario Mex., ii. 151-2; iii. 8, 36, 410-11; v. 194, 222, 285; vii. 120; ix. 158; xi., passim; xii. 56 et seq.; xiii., passim; Zamacois, Hist. Mej., iv. 599-631; v. 408-9, 420-4, 468, 476-9, 546-58, 571-91, 612 et seq.; vi. 19, 23, 40-96, 128-36, 182, 338-9, 561; vii. 149, 178, 380-1; x. 1318-19, 1334-5, 1390-2; El Tiempo, 1834, 199; 1849, 92; Pap. Var., v. 52-4; xvi. 132-48, 164; xxxv. 1-26; liv. 27, 67; lxxx. 1-27; cxlii. 39-40; cl. 23; clxi. 3; cxxxix. 39-40; ccxv. 37-8; Zavala, Rev. Mex., ii. 23-6; Condiciones del Real Assiento, 1-25; Yucatan, Estad., 7-12; Salmon's Modern Hist., iii. 215; Niles, Register, xxiii. 133, 155; xxvii. 245; Mofras, Explor., i. 39–86; Arroniz, Hist. y Cron., 153; Juicio de un Americano, 5; Alvarez, Estudios Hist., iii. 262, 424; Instruccion de los Comisionados, 1-30; Reglamento para el Gobierno, 1-63; Pradt, Hist. Rev. Esp., 39-40; Instituto Geog. Estad., 23; Aguardiente, Reglamento, 1-26; Breves Reflex. Pulque, 6; Modo Aument. Donero, 3; Queipo, Col. Doc., 132-64; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Nat. Civ., iv. 775; Abeja Poblana, 1-76; Dicc. Univ., i. 52-3; ix. 265-7; x. 917; Torrente, Revol. Hispan, i. 13-18, 23; Media Anata, Real Ced., 1-3; Thompson's Recollections, 191–6; Querétaro, Not. Est., 73-4; Pelaez, Mem. Hist. Guat., i. 251-56; ii. 184-206; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 59, 112, 144, 164, 198-9.

CHAPTER XXXII.

THE SECULAR CLERGY.

1600-1800.

VICIOUS ECCLESIASTICS-STRUGGLE BETWEEN THE REGULAR ORDERS AND THE SECULAR CLERGY-INFLUENCE OF THE RELIGIOUS ON THE MASSESTHE ROYAL PREROGATIVE-PRIVILEGES OF THE ECCLESIASTICS-RIGHT OF SANCTUARY-THE BISHOPRICS OF NEW SPAIN-RELIGIOUS FRATERNITIES CHURCH PROPERTY-ITS CONFISCATION ORDERED-CHURCH REVENUES-THE INQUISITION.

DURING the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries the secular clergy included many who had come to New Spain in search of fortune, having little prospect of success in their native country. These were for the most part mere adventurers, vicious, and a cancer in the body ecclesiastic. The natives among the seculars, with a few exceptions, had also become contaminated. Of this we have abundant evidence in papal bulls and royal orders, in the reports of several viceroys, of whom one was a distinguished prelate, and in the edicts of the inquisition. Violations of the Vows of chastity, impeding the administration of justice, trading against express prohibitions, manufacturing prohibited liquors, collecting excessive fees, and defrauding the crown, were common practices, and indeed some of their deeds were so scandalous that decency forbids their relation.1

1 Morelli, Fast. Nov. Orb., 429-31; Recop. de Ind., i. 90-1; Palafox, Instruc., in Morfi. Col. Docs, MS., 27-9; Mancera Instruc., 469–71; Linares, Instruc., MS., 469–71; Defensor de la Verd., 1; Órd. de la Corona, MS., vii. 77; Crespo, Mem. Ajust., 7, 8; Disposic. Var., v. 5, 13, 29; Reales Cédu las, MS., i. 34-5; Campillo, N. Sistema, 45-6; Villarroel, Enferm. Polit., 6-25, in Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, v. One viceroy, the marqués de Branciforte, gives all the clergy, high and low, a good character, but as he left rather a bad one of his own in the country I hesitate to accept his uncorroborated testimony. Branciforte, Instruc., in Linares, Instruc., MS., 44-6.

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Among the orders of monks were always to be found from the earliest days men who had come to America to render good service to God and their king, at the same time ridding themselves of the monotony of conventual life, and winning renown for their respective orders and distinction for themselves. Many of them earned the coveted crown of martyrdom, fearlessly carrying the gospel and the arts of peace among savages, and a much larger number won fame either by their charity and missionary labors, or by their learning and writings upon various topics, especially the countries where they dwelt or journeyed. Not a few attained to high position, and thus secured a larger field for usefulness. But it must be confessed that the regular orders also contained unworthy members, men who shrank from poverty and discipline, some of whom were vain, covetous, and profligate, and looked upon their mission in the New World only as an opportunity to gratify their desire for a life of ease and pleasure.

After the spiritual conquest of Mexico, it was an easy matter for these ecclesiastics to have themselves assigned to parishes or doctrinas, which, though an outward show of religion was maintained, became hotbeds of vice; even the sacred act of confession being profaned. This scandalous immorality was, in the second half of the eighteenth and early years of the nineteenth century, most noticeable at the seats of some of the dioceses and in small towns; in the capital the clergy were somewhat restrained from open exhibitions of vice by the presence of the superior authorities of New Spain.

The day came when the supreme government decided that the friars should be restricted to their own proper functions, and not be allowed any longer to encroach on those of the secular clergy, and the authorities encouraged the latter to assert their rights. A long contest ensued, in which the religious orders struggled for every point, but they were defeated; and

2

2 Reales Cédulas, MS., 90-2.

EXCLUSION OF CREOLES.

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but sec

3

injunctions came from the crown against any ular clergymen being nominated for vacant benefices. The result was a better state of affairs; the ranks of the seculars were reënforced by worthy and able men, and they soon gained the ascendency among the people.

4

During the first two centuries after the conquest the church offered preferment to natives of America, many of whom held bishoprics, and other high positions; but in the latter part of the eighteenth century, all royal orders to the contrary notwithstanding, the number of native-born priests thus promoted had become very small. A cédula of May 2, 1792, ordered that one half the prebendaries of the cathedral should be conferred on natives of America; but a suggestion, said to have emanated from Archbishop Haro, to the effect that Americans should have only inferior offices in order to keep them ever humble and submissive, seems to have been adopted. The result of this policy was that in 1808 all the bishoprics of New Spain with one exception, the greater portion of the canon stalls, and a large number of the rich curacies were in the hands of Spaniards from Europe.

The secularization of the curacies was carried on without trouble as early as 1760. Marfil, Instruc., 20-1, in Linares, Instruc., MS.

4 Zamacois, Hist. Méj., x. 1375-8, tries to prove that the government distributed her favors equally among creoles and natives of Old Spain; but Alaman, who cannot be accused of enmity toward the mother country, says that out of 706 bishops appointed in Spanish America before the revolution, 105 were native Americans, and but few of them were appointed to the most important sees. Hist. Méj., i. 14. In the last century there was discrimination against the creoles. No native of Yucatan was ever bishop of that diocese. Ancona, Hist. Yuc., ii. 333-4.

5 The high offices of the church were reserved for natives of Spain. Zavala, Ensayo Hist., i. 66. Archbishop Lorenzana recommended that the natives should be forced to learn the Spanish language, and as this could not be readily accomplished, the creole priests, who for good reasons opposed that measure, were accused of selfish motives, for as they knew the Indian languages the curacies of Indian towns would all fall to their lot. This was denied by a creole Franciscan, Father Francisco de la Rosa Figueroa, who asserted that the secular priests from Old Spain never desired curatos de Indios, preferring the parishes of Spaniards in Mexico, or higher preferment, 'con la sombra de las sagradas mitras, mayormente los que vn Sr Arzobispo ô Obispo trae en su familia, que luego van subiendo y exaltando hasta ocupar los Juzgados eclesiásticos, ô los choros de las Cathedrales en las Prebendas.' Vindicias de la Verdad, MS., 30-31. The same writer gives 51 names of native Mexicans, and 27 of Peruvians, who became bishops and archbishops. Id., 70-5.

That of Puebla, held by Manuel Gonzalez del Campillo.

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