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The monarch had good reason to be dissatisfied with the leading personages in this outbreak, with the viceroy for being so exacting and unyielding, and with the prelate for his excess of zeal, when, as one who professed to set an example in humility, he should have contented himself with a protest and appeal to the sovereign, especially in view of the insignificance of the point involved and the well known temper of the marquis. The ecclesiastics, on whom the crown above all relied for supporting its authority, since troops were not kept, had been the chief promoters of the riot, wherein they proved themselves possessed of a power greater than that of the state. This influence had been strengthened by the triumphant return of the archbishop, and extended not alone over Indians and mestizos, but over the creoles. The Ávila-Cortés conspiracy, a halfcentury before, had been an outburst on the part of landed proprietors, with little hold on the people; here on the other hand came in action a wide-spread feeling rooted among the very sinews of the colonists and directed against the more favored children of Spain, those of Iberian birth who had come across the sea to fill the best and largest number of offices, with the intention merely of enriching themselves in New Spain and then turning their back upon the country. It is not strange that those born on the soil, and bound to it by every tie, should look with disfavor on these interlopers who not only encroached on their rights and possessions, but treated them with contempt. The revelation of this antipathy, which


50 The importance of the Gelves outbreak, and the wide-spread interest affected thereby, called forth a mass of documents and accounts as we have already seen. Among the most valuable are those given in Documentos para la Historia de Mexico, série ii. tom. ii.-iii., 27 in number, collected by the knight Echeverría y Veitia, and including orders, petitions, and representations from different sources, yet for the greater part in support of the archbishop, and most of the remainder in favor of the audiencia and cabildo. The only important paper on Gelves' side had already appeared in print. This partiality induced the historian José F. Ramirez to collect a complementary set of documents bearing on the other side. This exists in two 4to volumes of close manuscript under the title of Mexico y sus Disturbios, obtained by me



could not fail to extend in a certain degree also to the home government, naturally alarmed the king, and was a main reason for the clemency observed; but few well directed steps were taken to profit by the lesson in conciliating the creoles, and their number and feeling grew apace till they became irresistible.

from Ramirez' library, whereof the first contains several important relations by Urrutia, partly in condensed form; and the second, a lengthy report by the secretary of Gelves, Tobar Godinez, and one in favor of Serna, from an early rare publication also in my possession. A third volume folio, Tumultos de Mexico, collected by the same gentleman, contains original documents and early copies bearing chiefly on the investigation, its results and subsequent acts. Grambila, Tumultos de Mex., is an original folio manuscript in defence of Gelves; another, Relacion de Tumultos, opposes him. Among the rare accounts printed at this time are: Mexico, Relacion Svmaria, drawn for Gelves by Inquisitor Flores and Friar Lormendi; Relacion del Estado en que... hallo los Reynos, also prepared by him; Memorial de lo Svrcedido, in favor of Serna; Burguillos, Memorial para...Carillo, by Gelves' confessor; Garzes de Portillo, En la Demanda, bearing on the sanctuary privilege. From one or more of these sources have been prepared a number of accounts with more or less impartiality, yet none of them complete or reliable, events subsequent to the actual riot being almost wholly ignored. Cavo for instances claims to have used five accounts, three of them in favor of Gelves, yet his clerical bias is too evident. Much fairer is Sosa, Episc. Mex., 59-63, Ribera, Gob. Mex., i. 113-17, and Alcaraz, in Liceo Mex., ii. 121 et seq. Dicc. Univ., x. 653-63, gives Cortina's imperfect version. Mora is very faulty. Mex. y sus Rev., iv. suppl. 2-43. Comparatively brief or unimportant are the accounts in Vetancort, Trat. Mex., 13; Lorenzana, in Concilio Prov., 1555-65, 216; Cortés, Hist. N. Esp., 21-2; Sigüenza y Gongora, Parayso Occid., 124, 448; Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 146-51; Crónica del Cármen, vi. 757; Guge, Voy., i. 225-45; Medina, Crón. S. Diego, 151-2; Velasco, Exalt. Divina, 39-44; Grijalva, Crón. S. Agust., 110 et seq.; Revista Mex., i. 81 et seq.; Fisher's Nat. Mag., i. 249-54; Mayer's Mex. Aztec, i. 188-94; Müller, Reisen, ii. 52-67; Lacunza, Disc. Hist., 488-91; Bustamante, Voy., No. 10.

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In order to guard somewhat against the recurrence of such happenings as the Gelves outbreak, greater precautions were observed by the home government, as we have seen, in selecting the heads for political and ecclesiastical affairs; additional instructions were issued to guide them in their relation to others, and a certain limitation of power was for a time at least imposed; the king for instance taking upon himself to appoint the commandants and magistrates of leading ports, strongholds, and towns,' who had hitherto been commissioned by the viceroy. Cerralvo retained for some time the enlisted troops and erected suitable barracks, while the enrolment list of volunteers was preserved for cases of need.

These volunteers really constituted a part of the general system of militia, formed already by Cortés, in connection with encomiendas, and extended over set

'In Calle a number of these appointments are enumerated. Mem. y Not., 168. 2 In 1628 the city asked for their disbandment for 'no quedan ceniza del suceso del 15 de Enero de 1624,' but this request was not granted till two years later. Cedulario Nuevo, i. 351. The cost of maintaining them appears to have been wholly borne by the desagüe fund, which was thus drained of 89,853 pesos. Fonseca, Hist. Iac., v. 358-9.


tlements in all directions. The only permanent standing forces were those on the frontier, engaged partly in conveying trains of merchandise, partly in garrison duty at the presidios, and those at the leading coast ports, as Vera Cruz and Acapulco. Altogether they constituted but a small body, and more were not considered necessary, as the citizens were always available, and efficient even against foreign invaders, who after all could do little beyond ravaging for a few leagues along certain parts of the coast. Still there were points which absolutely required protection, such as Vera Cruz and Acapulco, the ports for the rich fleets and the storage place for valuable cargoes, and in view of the increasing number of Spain's enemies Cerralvo took steps to strengthen the fortifications there.



The chief reason for the latter measure was the arrival at Acapulco of a large Dutch fleet. Engaged in their struggle for independence, the Hollanders were eager not only to distract the attention of the Spaniards by carrying the war to the enemy's coasts, but to injure them while enriching themselves. With this object several fleets were despatched to prey on Spanish trade and colonies, and among them one of eleven vessels with over sixteen hundred men, under Admiral Jacob l'Hérémite. It was known, however, as the Nassau fleet, from the prince under whose auspices it was chiefly fitted out. It left Holland in 1623 with the chief object of ravaging the rich shores of Peru. This plan proved a failure so lamentable as to hasten the death of l'Hérémite. The fleet thereupon proceeded northward under Admiral Schapenham and entered Acapulco on the 28th of October 1624. The Philippine galleons had not yet arrived, and the place contained little worth fighting for, especially as the inhabitants had had time to retire with

3 Zamacois and others hastily intimate that no troops existed. Hist. Méj., v. 305. "This has led most Spanish writers to suppose that this prince commanded it. HIST. MEX., VOL. III. 6

their valuables. The commandant had entrenched himself with his feeble garrison in a stronghold, and thence refused the overtures of Schapenham for an exchange of hostages, while the latter endeavored to obtain some fresh provisions." The Hollander's main intention was to ascertain when the Manila fleet should arrive. He now contented himself with a few attempts to procure water and fruit, magnified by modern Mexican writers into an invasion of the town. This extreme caution of the enemy encouraged the Spaniards on one occasion to beat back his men with loss. After despatching part of his fleet Schapenham set sail with the remainder November 8th, and tired of waiting for the galleons he steered for the East Indies."

Warned of the visit, Cerralvo had hastened to send troops to relieve the town, but their march was countermanded on learning of the enemy's departure. Energetic efforts were made, however, to construct defences' both here and at Vera Cruz, for in the gulf of Mexico foreign cruisers could frequently be seen. In 1625 the treasure fleet for Spain under Cadereita, later viceroy of New Spain, narrowly escaped their clutches, but the fleet of 1628, carrying bullion and other effects to the value of over twelve millions of pesos, was surprised in the Bahama Channel by the famous Dutch admiral Pieter Heyne, who for some


It was proposed to give captured Peruvians in return for hostages and provisions.

The best account of this voyage is the Diurnal vnd Historische Beschreybung der Nassawischen Flotten, by Decker, who served on one of the vessels, as he states. Strasburg, 1629. It appeared in an earlier shorter form as Journael van de Nassausche Vloot, issued at Amsterdam in 1626 by Gerritz, and has been widely copied in De Bry's Hist. Amer., xiii.; Gottfried, Newe Welt, 565 et seq., and others. It is well written, yet not so full and candid as might be desired.

7 Eighteen large pieces of artillery were brought from Manila at a cost of 7,411 pesos. Grau, Manila, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vi. 380. Travellers mention bronze cannon there marked 1628. In the following year, says Cavo, another Dutch fleet entered to seek ovisions without doing any damage. Tres Siglos, i. 277.

For this an annual thanksgiving was ordered on the 25th of November. What with corsairs, storms, and carelessness these fleets had to meet many misfortunes. In 1614 seven vessels were driven on shore near Cape Cotoche with heavy loss, though the governor took steps to recover a portion. Cogolledo, Hist. Yucathan, 472-3.

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