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such a change would work their ruin, and loud remonstrances found their way even to the court. The city property, now valued at fully fifty millions, would be lost, including a large number of sumptuous temples, fifteen convents, eight hospitals, six colleges, and other public buildings and works. With the growing scarcity of available Indians the cost of rebuilding would be immense, and thousands would be reduced to beggary by the transfer. Besides, how could all the convents and temples be restored, and how could the inmates be supported when present rentals were lost?26 Those who assisted at the councils for considering the question were most of them too deeply interested in the city property to permit a change, and so the project dropped. They sturdily continued to occupy their houses, although for over four years the city remained practically flooded. The higher parts did come above the surface, but heavy rains on two occasions assisted to keep the waters above the lower lying districts.27
Meanwhile a large number of families migrated to Puebla and other towns, and a still larger proportion perished during the floods and from the exposure, want, and diseases which followed, particularly in the poorer and Indian sections.23 Energetic measures were taken to improve communication and other facilities
26 The most interesting representations on this subject are given in Cepeda. It is also referred to in Fonseca, Hist. Hac., v. 360; in Cavo; Calle, Mem. y Not., 43; Medina, Chrón., S. Diego, 234; Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 18. The number of houses is given at 7,700. The oidores who figured at the time and assisted in deciding the question, were Licenciado Francisco del Castillo, Doctor Juan de Canseco, licenciates Alonso de Uria y Tobar, Francisco de Herrera Campuzano, Antonio Cuello de Portugal, Juan de Villabona Zubiaurri, and fiscales Juan Gonzalez de Piñafiel and Juan de Miranda Gordejuela. Cepeda, Rel., i. 29, 37.
27 Vetancurt, Chrón., 121, extends the flood over five years. Velasco, Exalt. Div., 45-6, says four. Alegre specifies till spring of 1633 and states that the rains of 1630 nearly gave rise to a riot. Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 182–3. Some documents imply that the water practically receded between 1631 and 1633 and finally in 1634, Humboldt, Essai Pol., i. 215, hile Lorenzana assumes that rains in 1631 and 1634 raised the decreasing waters. Cortés, Hist. N. Esp., 22.
28 Archbishop Zúñiga exaggerated the loss to 30,000 Indians, and states that of 20,000 Spanish families (?) only 400 remained a month after the great inundation. Letter of October 16, 1629. Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 60; Medina, Chrón. S. Diego, 121; Grambila, Tumultos, ii.
so as to decrease the suffering and induce people to return. Raised sidewalks or causeways were constructed along the houses, canoe traffic was increased, and medical aid provided. In 1634 came a series of earthquake shocks which rent the valley in different directions, and assisted greatly to draw off the water. This was claimed by the native and creole population as a miracle performed by their favorite, the virgin of Guadalupe, while the Spaniards stoutly attributed it to their patron, she of Remedios, intimating that the mediation of the other image had so far effected no good. The dispute between the votaries became quite hot, though they might more reasonably have cursed the agency which, having it within its power to deliver ́them, had kept them in misery so long. With this occurrence the city saw herself once more free from the lake; and now haste was made to clean the streets and dredge the canals, for to the obstructions in these channels was partly attributed slow drainage.30
During the excitement consequent upon the first flood, enemies of the Jesuits sought to direct popular feeling against them as having broken the dams. Investigation revealed that Martinez, the engineer of the drainage tunnel, had closed this outlet on beholding the vast flow of water, confident that its force and accompanying debris would merely destroy his works, while the latter would be inadequate under the circumstances to aid in saving Mexico. The Jesuits. were cleared, but Martinez had to languish for a time. in prison for acting without permission.31
The importance of drainage and diversion of tributary waters became now more generally admitted, and
29 As Betrani, Mex., ii. 67-8, eagerly points out.
30 The new viceroy Cadereita gave impulse to these operations. Caro places the cost at 14,000 pesos, which must be a misprint. Cepeda mentions 34,000 for certain work, and Vetancurt, Chrón., 121, states that the Franciscans accomplished, with Indian aid, for 90,000 what others estimated at 140,000. Algate speaks of relics of this period, found in the beginning of this century, under the raised causeways. Gaceta, ii. 124-5.
31 He was also ill provided with funds for work on the tunnel. Cepeda, Rel., pt. ii. 26. It was charged that he had closed the tunnel on purpose to raise the estimation of its value. Humboldt, Essai Pol., i. 214.
a number of projects to this end were submitted, all of which received due attention, the viceroy joining personally in examination of ground. Several proposed a drain from Lake San Cristóbal through Rio Tequisquiac into the Pánuco, and Simon Mendez even urged the extension of the drain to Tezcuco Lake. He was allowed to begin the task, but its infeasibility must soon have become apparent, for it did not progress far.32 Another suggested that the underground passage into which the Teotihuacan rivulet disappeared might serve for outlet, and finally the Jesuit father Calderon revived the tradition of a natural sink in the bottom of Tezcuco Lake, between two rocks near Pantitlan. This received more attention than might be expected, and quite extensive examinations were made under the alluring offer of a hundred thousand pesos for its discovery.33
None of the plans appearing to possess the merits of the Huehuetoca channel for efficacy and cheapness, a contract was made with Martinez for 200,000 pesos to put the tunnel in condition for carrying off the tributary waters of Zumpango and Citlaltepec lakes. The plan was deemed insufficient and work dragged slowly along both on the outlet, now destined to become an open cut, and on adjacent structures. The dam of San Cristóbal, protecting the Tezcuco from northern waters, was restored in a substantial manner; a tributary of Chalco Lake from the volcano range was diverted, and several minor dams were con
32 Each of these plans was estimated to cost from three to nine millions. 33 Humboldt comments unfavorably on the supposition that the porous amygdaloid of the valley could present any apertures. Essai Pol., i. 216. For a list of the different projects with details of the principal, see Cepeda, Rel., 16, pt. ii. 37-40, pt. iii. 5-6, 17 et seq.; Vetancvrt, Chron., 123-4; La Cruz, i. 542-5.
34 This task was to be finished in 21 months beginning early in 1630. Mexico sent 300 Indians to work, and orders came in October 'que la obra corriera hasta las bocas de S. Gregorio.' Cavo, Tres Siglos, ii. 2.
35 The adverse report of Oidor Cubiaurré on the work in 1632 hastened the death of Martinez. Cubiaurré succeeded him as superintendent for a short time. In 1637 the Franciscan comisario general Flores took charge and his order retained control for many years. Inundaciones, in Col. de Diarios, MS., 356-8.
A NATIONAL SAINT.
structed or repaired. In order to relieve the city, the funds for these operations were obtained chiefly by means of a tax on imported wines.37 By 1637 the expenditure on the drainage works had risen to nearly three millions. During the following decade only three hundred and thirty-eight thousand pesos were expended, and after that still smaller amounts, till 1768-77, when they rose to somewhat over half a million.
Mexico was not very successful in her appeals to the virgin patrons, as we have seen, and her religious fortitude received a further shock from the circumstance that, just before her greatest misfortune, she had celebrated the canonization of the protomartyr San Felipe and enrolled him as one of her guardians. Among a population so largely composed of creoles, with an immense Indian support, all looking on New Spain as their native country, and regarding Spaniards from the peninsula with more or less antagonism-among such a people, deeply imbued with religious feeling, the possession of a national saint must have been ardently desired. This longing was finally satisfied in the person of Felipe de Jesus, the eldest of ten children born at Mexico to Alonso de las Casas9 and his wife Antonia Martinez. Casas had grown rich as a trader in the capital, and eager for the redemption of his soul, he designated three of his six sons for the service of God. One, Juan, became an Augustinian, and found martyrdom at the Moluccas in 1607; another, Francisco by name, labored actively in the same order as a priest till 1630;40 and
36 By Father Garibay of Mexicaltzinco. Vetancvrt, Chrón., 121.
ST Of 25 pesos on the barrel, half going toward the fortifications at Vera Cruz. This tax continued to be levied, though in later years but a fraction was applied to the drainage. Fonseca, Hist. Hac., v. 368-9.
38 Details of cost and amount of different work are given in the full official report of Cepeda, Relacion, pt. iii. 21, etc.; also in Instruc. Vireys, 263. Fonseca specifies 1,504,531 as expended during 1628-37, and 1,464,883 previously. Hist. Hac., v. 532.
39 Wrongly called Canales by several writers.
40 Named Francisco and dying on San Francisco's day, he must have had
the third, Felipe, born on May 1, 1575, and educated at the Jesuit college, joined the barefooted Franciscans at Puebla, but fell from his vows and was by the angry parents sent to the Philippines, there to seek his fortune. The large sum of money which he brought as a means for advancement was soon dissipated in riot, but the consequences hastened repentance, and in 1594 he became again a barefooted Franciscan, displaying this time such devout zeal as to gain general admiration. After two years of penance he left for home.
The vessel touched at Japan," and there he with several brother friars was seized to undergo martyrdom.43 Proceedings were instituted for the canonization of the victims, Archbishop Serna himself making inquiries on behalf of Felipe, and by bull of September 14, 1627, thirty years after his death, the repentant son of the merchant was admitted a saint, as the protomartyr of Mexico. Two years later, on the anniversary of his martyrdom, February 5th, the city celebrated the beatification with imposing ceremonies, and received San Felipe de Jesus as one of the patrons. The viceroy and archbishop led in the procession, and the mother of the saint was able to participate; but the excitement and joy carried her to the grave a few days later."
About the same time efforts were made for the beatification of a revered hermit named Gregorio
some spiritual relations with this saint, observes Medina, Chrón. S. Diego, 114.
41 As a soldier, says Medina, yet he allows him to take large amounts of money wherewith to speculate. Others intimate that he intended to pursue the trade of a silversmith, in which he had already engaged at Mexico. Sta Maria, Chron. St Joseph, ii. lib. iii. cap. x.; Ribadeneyra, Hist. Arch., lib. vi. cap. iv.; Comp. de Jesus, Defensa, 5.
42 On a mission, it is said, yet Medina declares that Zales drove it there for refuge. During the voyage singular phenomena gave indication of the saint on board.
43 The bodies of the victims appear all to have been recovered and taken to Manila. Felipe was crucified and lanced after losing his left ear.
Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 177-8. Pueblo city also vowed to observe the day of San Felipe, who first assumed the robe there. Medina, Chrón. S. Diego, 33-4, 114–20; Monumentos Domin. Esp., MS., 96, 363.