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The last month's mail had brought tidings of the death of Sir Todd Parker and of the enormous fortune he had left behind him. Augustus having inherited his paternal acres, had settled down into a respectable county gentleman, was always vowing that he would 'go out to New Zealand and see old Charles ; but as St. John had sold his yacht, and the hunting season and his fishing trip to Norway divided the year pretty well between them, poor Gus had, as he said, really no time to spare.' The dear old friend of the family, the good genius who had watched over the destinies of Charles and Gertrude from their first betrothal under the tall-spreading ferns in the princely conservatory at Castle Booby, feeling that she had now watched over as many births, deaths, and marriages' as ought to fall under the supervision of any one being, however angelic, in one country, transported herself in the evening of her days to the banks of the Rangitata; and when Gertrude had any doubts or domestic problems on the education of her children, or wished for support against any too independent assertion of authority on the part of her husband, she never laid down the law without a concluding appeal to the still supreme authority at the Antipodean Grange,' with the gentle interrogation, 'Don't you think so, Lady Anne?'

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Lord Henry Primrose's term of office as Governor of the Colony has expired. Though repeatedly pressed by his Excellency to come to the rescue as one of his responsible advisers,' Charles has always steadily declined to take any active part in colonial politics. The Jobsons and the Browns are still intriguing against each other, though by an amicable compromise all parties in the Legislature have pocketed both their salaries and their travelling expenses; and with regard to the latter item the more favoured friends of the colonial treasurer sometimes find on their return from their Parliamentary labours that they have, like Joseph's brethren, their money in their sacks.'

It is perhaps fortunate for Charles Greville that his political wild oats were sown in the barren soil of Shamboro,' and that he has no temptation to grow another crop in New Zealand. To more restless spirits, full-welling fountain heads of change.' To backwoodsmen and pioneers of political enterprise the task of reproducing, even in a caricatured form, a counterpart of our home institutions in the outlying provinces of our empire may have its attractions-to Greville it has none. His quiet home on the Rangitata has more charms for him than the bustling Council chamber at Wellington, and the rippling of the waters of the river and the prattling of his children bring more music to his ears than all the phone or antiphone of 'Blues and Buffs.'

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THE END.

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THE AUSTRIAN POWER.

N some of the many speeches which went before the late general

Austrian

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'Austrian national feeling,' 'Austrian national interests,' 'Austrian national honour,' 'Austrian national independence.' The exact words do not greatly matter; the point is that the word Austria ' and some of the derivatives of the word 'nation' were coupled together in a way which implied that the ideas expressed by the word 'Austria' and the word nation,' had something in common. That any one of decent information should speak in this way, especially that any one in the position of a statesman should speak in this way, suggests some curious subjects for thought. Such language might of course be used with the direct purpose of misleading those who heard it. It might be used out of simple ignorance of the plainest facts on the part of the speaker. But let us, as is becoming, put both these suppositions aside. There remains a remarkable instance of that process of confusion of thought which does quite as much as either sheer ignorance or direct deception to lead men into mistakes, both of reasoning and of practice. Forms of words with which we are familiar in cases to which they thoroughly apply are, not so much carelessly as in a certain way mechanically, transferred to other cases to which they do not apply. Men are thereby led to think, to speak, and to act, as if they did apply to those cases; and not only endless mistakes in thought and expression, but much practical evil follows. Of course everyone who insists on accuracy of thought and expression must expect to be met with the charge of pedantry. But the charge of pedantry commonly means that he who brings it is angry with him against whom it is brought for knowing something which he is in his heart ashamed of himself for not knowing. Certain it is that a little more pedantry, that is, a little more care to make words answer to thoughts and thoughts answer to facts, would have saved not a little mischief during the last five years. Not a little practical evil has come of the mere use of misleading phrases like Turkey,' 'Turkish government-sometimes even Turkish Christians '-and the like. Such phrases disguise the real facts of the case, and thereby help to hinder such practical action as the facts of the case call for. People come to think that the names Turkey' and 'the Turks' express things which answer to one another as 'England' and 'the English,' 'France' and 'the French' answer to one another. They do not see that the Turks are to Turkey,' not what the English have been to England in any age, but rather what the English were to Ireland in the last age. They come to think the government' of 'Turkey' is something which answers to the government of England or France..

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They do not see that, while the government of England or France exists, as its main object, to secure the common rights of human beings to the inhabitants of England or France, the so-called 'government of 'Turkey' exists for the exactly opposite object, that of hindering the mass of the inhabitants of Turkey' from enjoying the common rights of human beings. Confusions of the same kind, equally likely to lead to practical error, are sure to arise, if men allow themselves to use such phrases as Austrian nationality' and the like. In such phrases there is exactly the same transfer of words from cases to which they really apply to cases to which they do not apply. There are six great powers of Europe: England, France, Germany, Italy, Russia, Austria. There is, beyond all doubt, an English, a French, a German, an Italian, and a Russian nation. It is very tempting to infer that there must be an Austrian nation also. We may, with the strictest fitness, apply phrases like 'nationality,' 'national feeling,' 'national independence,' to England, France, Germany, Italy, or Russia. It is tempting to infer that phrases which are so thoroughly in their place when they are applied to five out of the six great powers, must be equally in their place when they are applied to the sixth also.

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Now there doubtless are cases in which this way of talking is the result of sheer ignorance. We have lately heard the story of the Englishman who landed at a Dalmatian-that is, in one sense, an Austrian-port, and expected that the people of that port would speak the Austrian language. His argument was as good as any of the other arguments. As there is an English, a French, a German, an Italian, and a Russian language, as people in those several countries speak those languages, so there must be an Austrian language, and people in Austria must speak it. Most people, one would think, know better than this. Most people of any kind of education surely have knowledge enough to keep them from thinking that there is an 'Austrian' language spoken throughout the whole of Austria.' And, if they have knowledge enough for this, they really have knowledge enough to keep them right on the whole matter. But this is one of the endless cases in which people do not use their knowledge. They do, in a certain sense, know a thing; that is, if they were strictly examined, they would give the right answer. But, unless so specially pressed, they think, speak, and act, exactly as if they did not know it. Crowds of people who, if they were examined, would show that they really know that all Turkey' is not Turkish, that all Austria' is not Austrian, must yet be set down as practically thinking that they are so, because they habitually speak as if they thought so. And not only is speaking, whoever may be the speaker, really acting-for every man's speech helps to make up the mass of public opinion, and so leads towards public action-but those whose more direct business it is to act are of all men the most liable to be influenced by these

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1 See Mr. A. J. Evans, in the Fortnightly Review, April 1880.

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inaccuracies of thought and expression. The diplomatist, of whatever rank-he who ought to know, and who in a certain sense does know, more of foreign affairs than any private man can know—is of all men the most exposed to influences which are likely to make him, in another sense, know less of foreign affairs than a well-informed and thoughtful private man. I remember some years ago reading an article, written by one who, I believe, was not strictly a diplomatist, but who had certainly passed his life in the thick of national business. He dealt with the political position of several of the European states, and among others of the Austrian power. He was in no danger at all of believing that there was a single Austrian language spoken throughout all · Austria. His facts could not be gainsaid; but his way of putting them was remarkable. plained to his readers that there was a considerable Slavonic element in · Austria,' even in those provinces, like Bohemia, which border on Germany. Nothing can be more undoubtedly true ; but the way of putting it showed the state of mind of a man who had never stopped to think of the real present relations among the lands of which he was speaking, still less of the past events which have caused those present relations. He would seem never to have looked at any map earlier than 1815, perhaps at none earlier than 1866. His whole notion was that there was a power called Austria, quite distinct from Germany, that one province of Austria was called Bohemia, that both in that province and in others there was a considerable Slavonic element. The amusing and instructive thing is that the writer was clearly a little amazed that there should be a Slavonic element in “ Austria’ at all, and he was specially puzzled that there should be such an element in a province so near to Germany as Bohemia.

In short he was surprised at finding that Beamish boys were Beamish boys. He was in the same state as those who are surprised to find Welsh spoken in Wales, and French spoken in the Channel Islands.

The special danger of the diplomatist, that which causes his special knowledge to be balanced by a special kind of ignorance, is that his line of life leads him to deal with princes, ministers, courts, hardly ever with nations. He is tempted to forget that there are such things as nations, or at all events to assume that every nation is necessarily represented by its so-called “government. He is tempted to assume that the formal arrangements which are entered into between governments must necessarily take effect, as by a kind of physical law, and to forget that the arrangements of governments need, after all, the practical consent of the nations which are concerned in them. The climax of this kind of feeling was reached when an English statesman

: I do not know whether the author of Alice in Wonderland, when he spoke of a • Beamish boy,' knew that he was naming an ancient and honourable nation. Yet Beme was the name by which our forefathers knew the kingdom of Bohemia or Böhmen, and Beamish, which exists as a surname, like French and others of the kind, is its regularly formed gentile.

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counselled the Christian subjects of the Turk not to listen to 'foreign intriguers,' but to lay their grievances before their own Government.' He forgot that those whom he counselled looked on the so-called 'foreign intriguers' as their own countrymen, engaged in a common cause. He forgot that what he called 'their own Government' was in their eyes nothing but a system of foreign brigandage, which hindered them from having any government of their own. He forgot that the existence of the government' before which he counselled them to lay their grievances, was itself the greatest grievance of all, the root of all other grievances. Yet, if that English statesman had been minutely examined, it would most likely have been found that he really knew the plain facts of the case. Only those facts were so utterly contrary to diplomatic formula and diplomatic conventional assumptions that he forgot the facts in the formulæ and the assumptions. He knew the facts; yet he thought, spoke, and acted, exactly as if he had not known them. Thus the very men who ought to go to the root of the matter are led by the habits of their craft to accept names for things, and thereby to act in a manner which is unreal, unpractical, sometimes even sentimental. The Austrian Government,' even the Turkish Government,' must, as long as they exist and artificial diplomacy exists, be addressed according to the conventional phrases of artificial diplomacy. But it will be a very unreal and unpractical kind of action if any English statesman is led by the habitual use of conventional forms to forget that those governments' are not governments in the same sense as those of England, France, and Italy, as those of Germany and Russia, to forget that they are not, in the same way as those five, entitled to speak on behalf of a nation.

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In thus saying, I hope I may not be thought by any one to be guilty of the injustice of placing the Austrian Government' on the same level as the Turkish Government,' with regard to its general practical working. I hope also that I may not be thought to have overlooked the great differences which may be found in the several positions of the five governments with which I have contrasted them. This last distinction I shall presently have to draw. But from the point of view of the moment, the Austrian Government' and the Turkish Government' may be looked on as forming one class, and the other five governments-along with the governments of those other European states which do not rank as great powers-as forming another class. Indeed, of the two, the Turkish Government' comes nearer to the position of a national government than the 'Austrian Government.' To speak of the Turkish,' or more accurately Ottoman,' nation' is often misleading; but the phrase may be justified in some lands and from some points of view. But there is no point of view from which we can look to any land in which an 'Austrian nation' in any sense can be discovered.

There is really no better test than that which is implied in the story of the man who expected to find the people of Ragusa speaking

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