mediately to Her Elder Sifter? Did not She fucceed, and that by Act of Parliament, to King William, who poffefs'd the Crown fome time after Queen Mary's, and after King James's Death? Nay, I may afk, would it not have been High Treafon for any one to have fet up Her Title, before his Death? Doth it not rather from hence appear, that the Crown came to Her by Afcent, than by Defcent; fince She was Higher in the Royal Line than Her Predeceffor? Is it not therefore fome Reafon against Subfcribing, that this Term of Defcent is ufed without fufficient Explication?

31. Since all the World knows, that my Lord Bishop of Ln was in Arms at the Revolution; fince the foregoing Letter fhews that he defended a forcible Refifiance to Arbitrary Power; fince in this Addrefs, an equal Zeal is faithfully promis'd; and fince there cannot be an equal Zeal, unless it extend to the fame Refiftance: Would not one take this for a Proof, that by withstanding must be mean't, withstanding by Force of Arms, if there be Occafion? And yet, on the other Hand, is not the firft Paragraph of the Address, in Confirmation of all our other late Slavish Addreffes; and the irresistible Authority in another Paragraph; and the avoiding the Word Resistance, a Stronger Proof that they defign'd, at least at prefent, to be understood to join in condemning Refiftance in all poffible Cafes? And is it not fome excufe for not Subfcribing, that upon fo confiderable a Point, one either knows not what it is that is to be Subfcribed, or one knows it to be fomething which is a full Condemnation of the Late Revolution?

32. Is there not Reafon enough from the foregoing Letter, to believe, what is very credibly reported, that this Address was drawn up, and fix'd, before the Bishop had the fmall Honour paid Him of being let into the Defign?

33. Was it not the Right Method of proceeding with fuch an Addrefs, to offer a Paper to fome to fet their Names to, without fhewing the Thing itself; to amufe others, before they had time to think, with a plaufible Difcourfe of Union and Reconcilement, and folemn Affurances, that it was an Addrefs fo well defign'd, and contriv'd, that no one, of what Opinion foever, could take any juft Exception at it; and at the fame time, not to Summon others, or give them the leaft notice of the Matter? Was not this the Right way to Work upon fome, whofe honeft good Nature is too unguarded, and too free from Sufpicion? And which is moft to be admired; the Art that was fhewn in putting fo many ambiguous unexplain'd Words into Order, or the Art that was us'd in getting Hands to them, when it was done?

34. What Occafion was there for them to fubfcribe, who had never declar'd themselves upon Hereditary Right, or irrefiftible Authority, fo as to incur the leaft Sufpicion of favouring the Pretender, or being Enemies to the Proteftant Succeffion? fince the main Defign feems to have been to clear those who have fpoken highest upon thofe Points, from that Calumny; in which (it seems). they look upon themfelves as deeply involv'd.

35. Upon the whole, Is there any Reafon for those who refused to fubfcribe this Addrefs, to be afham'd of their Conduct; or afraid of the pitiful and malicious Mifreprefentations of a Popish, or Jacobite News writer? Shall it VOL. III. Hhhh

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be esteem'd their Difhonour, that they are unwilling to feem to favour those Doctrines and Terms, which alone carry forward the Intereft of the Popish Line here at Home; that they cannot think it becoming to fet their Hand to doubtful Expreffions, which have been generally understood in a Senfe Deftructive to the Proteftant Succeffion; that they have fo deep a Senfe of the Mercy, and Importance of the late Revolution, as not to be willing to put any Slur upon it; that they are content to be thought of the fame Principles which all wife Men openly profefs'd at the Revolution; and cautious of figning fuch Declarations concerning Titles, and Prerogative, and Submiffion, as were, at that time of Danger, exploded by their Bishop; and detefted univerfally by. the whole Nation?

The Earl of SUNDERLAND's Letter to a Friend in the Country, Plainly difcovering the Defigns of the Romish Party, and others, for the fubverting of the Proteftant Religion, and the Laws of the Kingdom.

T

Licenfed and Entred, March 23, 1689.

O comply with what you defire, I will explain fome things which we talked of before I left England. I have been in a station of great Noife, without Power or Advantage whilft I was in it, and to my Ruin now I am out of it. I know I cannot justifie my self by faying, though it is true, that I thought to have prevented much mischief; for when I found that I could not, I ought to have quitted the Service: Neither is it an excufe that I have got none of thofe things which usually engage Men in publick Affairs: My Quality is the fame it ever was, and my Estate much worse, even ruin'd, though I was born to a very confiderable one, which I am ashamed to have spoiled, though not fo much as if I had encreased it by indirect means. But to go on to what you expect: The pretence to a Difpenfing Power being not only the first thing which was much difliked fince the Death of the late King, but the foundation of all the rest, I ought to begin with that, which I had fo little to do with, that I never heard it fpoken of till the Time of Monmouth's Rebellion, that the King told fome of the Council, of which I was one, that he was refolved to give Employments to Roman Catholicks, it being fit that all Perfons should ferve who could be useful, and on whom he might depend. I think every body advised him against it, but with little effect, as was foon feen: that Party was fo pleased with what the King had done, that they perfuaded him to

mention

mention it in his Speech at the next meeting of the Parliament, which he did, after many Debates whether it was proper or not, in all which I oppofed it, as is known to yery confiderable Perions, fome of which were of another opinion, for I thought it would engage the King too far, and it did give fuch offence to the Parliament, that it was thought neceffary to prorogue it. After which the King fell immediately to the fupporting the Difpenfing Power, the moft chimerical thing that was ever thought of, and must be fo till the Government here is as abfolute as in Turkey, all Power being included in that one. This is the fenfe I ever had of it, and when I heard Lawyers defend it, I never changed my opinion or language; however it went on, most of the Judges being for it, and was the chief business of the State, till it was looked on as fettled. Then the Ecclefiaftical Court was fet up, in which there being fo many confiderable Men of feveral kinds, I could have but a fmall part; and that after Lawyers had told the King it was legal, and nothing like the high Commiffion Court, I can moft truly fay, and it is well known, that for a good while I defended Magdalen College purely by care and industry, and have hundreds of times begg'd of the King never to grant Mandates, or to change any thing in the regular courfe of Ecclefiaftical Affairs, which he often thought reafonable, and then by perpetual importunities was prevailed upon against his own fenfe, which was the very Cafe of Magdalen College, as of fome others.

These things which I endeavoured, though without Succefs, drew upon me the anger and ill will of many about the King The next thing to be Try'd, was to take off the Penal Laws, and the Tefts, fo many having promifed their concurrence towards it, that his Majefty thought it feafible, but he foon found it was not to be done by that Parliament, which made all the Catholicks defire it might be Diffolv'd, which I was to much againft, that they complained of me to the King, as a Man who ruined all his Defigns by oppofing the only thing could carry him on; Liberty of Confcience being the Foundation on which he was to build. That it was firft offered at by the Lord Clifford, who by it had done the work, even in the Late King's Time, if it had not been for his weakness, and the weaknefs of his Minifters: Yet I hindred the Diffolution feveral weeks, by telling the King that the Parliament in Being would do every thing he could defire, but the taking off the Penal Laws and the Tefts, or the Allowing his Difpenfing Power; and that any other Parliament, though fuch a one could be had as was propofed, would probably never Repeal thofe Laws; and if they did, they would certainly never do any thing for the fupport of the Government, whatever exigency it might be in. At that time the King of Spain was fick, upon which I faid often to the King, that if he fhould die, it would be impoffible for his Majefty to preferve the Peace of Chriftendom; that a War must be expected, and fuch a one as would chiefly concern England; that if the prefent Parliament continued, he might be fure of all the help and Service he could with; but in cafe he diffolv'd it, he must give over all thoughts of Foreign Affairs, for no other would ever affift him, but on fuch Terms as would ruin the Monarchy; fo that from abroad, or at home, he would be destroy'd, if the ParliaHhhh 2

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ment were Broken, and any Accident fhould happen, of which there were many, to make the aid of his People neceffary to him. This and much more I faid to him feveral times privately, and in the hearing of others; but being over-power'd, the Parliament was Broke, the Clofetting went on, and a new one was to be Chofen; who was to get by Closetting, I need not fay; but it was certainly not I, nor any of my Friends; many of them fuffered, who I would fain have faved; and yet I muft confels with grief, that when the King was refolved, and there was no remedy, I did not quit, as I ought to have done, but ferved on in Order to the calling another Parliament. In the midft of all the preparations for it, and whilft the Corporations were Regulating, the King thought fit to order his Declarations to be Read in all Churches, of which I moft folemnly proteft, I never heard one Word, till the King directed it in Council; that drew on the Petition of my Lord the Arch-Bishop of Can terbury, and the other Lords the Bishops, and the Profecution, which I was fo openly againft, that by arguing continually to fhew the Injuftice and Imprudence of it, I brought the Fury of the Roman Catholicks upon me to fuch a Degree, and fo unanimously, that I was juft finking; and I wish I had then funk: But whatever I did foolishly to preferve myself, I continued still to be the Object of their Hatred, and I refolved to ferve the Publick as well as I could, which I am fure moft of the confiderable Proteftants then at Court can testify, and fo can one eminent Man of the Country,, whom I would have perfuaded to come into Bufinefs, which he might have done, to have helped me to refift the Violence of thofe in Power; but he defpaired of being able to do any good, and therefore would not engage. Some time after came the firft news of the Prince's defigns, which were not then look'd on as they have proved, no body forefeeing the Miracles he has done by his wonderful Pru dence, Conduct, and Courage; for the greatest thing which has been undertaken thefe thoufand years, or perhaps ever, could not be effected without Virtues hardly to be imagined till feen nearer hand. Upon the first thought of his coming I laid hold of the opportunity to prefs the King to do several things which I would have had done fooner; the chief of which were to reftore Magdalen College, and all other Ecclefiaftical Preferments, which had been diverted from what they were intended for, to take off my Lord Bishop of London's Sufpenfion, to put the Countries into the fame hands they were in fome time before, to annull the Ecclefiaftical Court, and to restore entirely all the Corporations of England: These things were done effectually, by the help of fome about the King; and it was then thought I had deftroyed my felf, by engaging against the whole Roman Catholick Party, to fuch a highth as had not been feen; they difperfed Libels of me every day, told the King that I betrayed him, that. I ruined him by perfuading him to make fuch fhameful Condescentions; but most of all by hindering the fecuring the chief of the difaffected Nobility and Gentry, which was propofed as a certain way to break all the Prince's Measures; and by advising his Majefty to call a free Parliament, and to depend upon that, rather than upon Foreign affiftance. It is true, I did give him thofe Councils which were called weak to the last moment he fuffered me in his Service; then I was accused of holding Correfpon

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dence with the Prince, and it was every where faid amongst them, that no bet-ter could be expected from a Man fo related as I was to the Bedford and Lei-cefter Families, and fo allied to Duke Hamilton, and the Marquefs of Halifax. After this Accufations of High Trealon were brought against me, which, with fome other Reasons relating to Affairs abroad, drew the King's Difpleafure upon me, fo as to turn me out of all without any Confideration, and yet I thought I efcaped well, expecting nothing lefs than the lofs of my Head, as my Lord Middleton can tell, and I believe none about the Court thought otherwife; nor had it been otherwise, if my Difgrace had been deferred a day lon ger; all things being prepared for it, I was put out the 27th of October, the Roman Catholicks having been two Months working the King up to it without intermiffion, befides the feveral Attacks they had made upon me before, and the unusual Affiftance they obtained to do what they thought fo neceffary for the carrying on their Affairs, of which they never had greater hope than at that time, as may be remembred by any who were then at London. But you defired I would fay fomething to you of Ireland, which I will do in very few words, but exactly true.

My Lord Tyrconnell has been fo abfolute there, that I never had the Credit: to make an Enfign, or keep one in, nor to preferve fome of my Friends, for whom I was much concerned, from the least Oppreffion and Injuftice, though L. endeavoured it to the utmost of my Power; but yet with Care and Diligence,, being upon the place, and he abfent, I diverted the calling a Parliament there, which was defigned to alter the Acts of Settlement. Chief Juftice Nugent, and Baron Rice, were fent over with a draught of an Act for that purpose, furnished with all the preffing Arguments could be thought on to perfuade the King, and I was offered forty thousand Pounds for my Concurrence, which I told to the King, and fhewed him at the fame time the Injuftice of what was proposed to him, and the prejudice it would be to that Country, with fo good fuccefs, that he refolved not to think of it that year, and prehaps never: This I was helped in by fome Friends, particularly my Lord Godolphin, who knows it to be true, and fo do the Judges before named, and several others.

I cannot omit faying fomething of FRANCE, there having been fo much talk of a League between the two Kings. I do proteft I never knew of any; and if there were fuch a thing, it was carried on by other fort of men. laft Summer. Indeed French Ships were offered to join with our Fleet, and they were refused; fince the noife of the Prince's Defign more Ships were offered, and it was agreed how they fhould be commanded if ever defired. I opposed to death the accepting of them, as well as any affiftance of Men,. and can say moft truly, that I was the principal means of hindering both, by the help of fome Lords, with whom I confulted every day, and they with me, to prevent what we thought would be of great prejudice if not ruinous, to the Nation. If the Report is true, of Men, Ships, and Money, intended. lately for England out of France, it was agreed upon fince I was out of business, or without my knowledge; if it had been otherwife, I believe no body thinks my Difgrace would have happened. My greateft Misfortune has been to be thought the Promoter of those things I oppofed and detefted, whilft fome I

could