which was paid in part by Coleman, and in the Presence of Dr. Fugarty, an Irishman.

They concluded to use the Name and Intereft of the Duke of York, if he would comply with them. 1. To accept of the three Kingdoms as a Gift from the Pope, and to hold them in Fee of him. 2. If he would confirm their Settlement of Church and State. 3. If he would exterminate all Proteftants.

4. If

he would pardon the Murderers of his Brothers, the Murderers of the People, and those who should fire the remaining Part of the City and Suburbs.

How bloody the Execution of this Plot muft needs have been cannot easily be imagined, nor how miferable the remaining Part of the poor People and Children left alive must have been, cannot be conceived. No Places in the World are fo miferably enslaved under the worst of Tyrants, as those who live within the Verge of St. Peter's Patrimony, which must have been the State of ENGLAND.

As for IRELAND, the Pope had made the titular Archbishop of Dublin his Legate, to take Poffeffion of that Kingdom in his Name. Talbot his Brother was made General of all the Forces in Ireland. The Duke of Ormond was to be murdered, and then the Irish were to rife, and form an Army of five thoufand Horfe, and twenty thoufand Foot, and to murder the Proteftants as they did before. This they call, Zeal for the Roman Catholick Religion. To enable the Irish to this, the Pope contributed Eight Hundred Thoufand Crowns, the French had already fent over fome Supplies, and had promised a further seasonable Supply of Arms, Men, and Money, fo foon as they fhould be in Action. LeCheefe had a great Influence in all thefe Tranfactions.

As for SCOTLAND, the great Defign of the Jefuits was to raise a Rebellion there; to this end they diverfe Times fent over feveral Jefuits to mingle themselves, if they could, with the Diffenters, fo as they might preach in their Field-Meetings, and encourage them to take Arms, to vindicate their Religion and Liberty against Duke Lauderdale's Tyranny, and alfo the Tyranny of the Bishops, as they term it. The Papifts were to raise an Army of eight thousand Men to join with the Diffenters, left they might have been fuppreffed by Duke Lauderdale.

As to HOLLAND, they have fent over twelve Meffengers thither for to fow Diffention between the Prince of Orange and the States, which in the LoveSteyn Party go under the Name of the Fifth Monarchy-Men.

To thefe Things may be added the Firing of London upon Design by the Jefuits in September 1666. which fhould have been burnt fooner, but they could not get Perfons and Things ready for Execution, the Perfons that were employed, the Place where they met to confult, the manner how thofe eight Perfons executed at Tyburn in April before were drawn in, and afterwards betrayed by them, were all specified to the Parliament. Where note, the Gazette in April 1666, tells the World that eight Perfons were executed at Tyburn for defigning to burn the City the Third of September following, only as a Colour of that wicked Act they intended to commit, that it might be caft upon the Fanaricks, whofe Intereft was, all the World knows, to preferve this Place for a fhelter and hiding Place to them. Richard Strange, a Jefuit, fometimes Provincial of that Society, did inform this, whofe Information and the Execution

do

do very well agree together. The Society of Jefuits employed Groves and three Irish Ruffians procured by Dr. Fugarty to fire Southwark, for which they had One Thousand Pounds, that is, Groves had Four Hundred Pounds, and the Irish Ruffians had Two Hundred Pounds a-piece, and yet the Society got by the Bargain, for whilft the Fire rages they have their Inftruments to plunder Houfes, and steal what Goods they can, which they carry to their Ware-houfes in WildStreet, and Somerset-boufe. In the Firing of Southwark they got Two Thousand Pounds in the Burning of London they got Fourteen Thousand Pounds, as Strange the Jefuit confeffed. The Society of Jefuits defigned lately to burn Westminster, Wapping, and the remote Parts of the Suburbs. Blondel a Jefuit, had his Poft at Wapping, where he began his Work, but the Fire was by God's Mercy prevented in other Places. That this was done upon Defigo is evident, for it was fore-told upon Oath twelve Days before, that fuch a Day Wapping fhould be fet on fire, as it came to pafs. This Blondel is the Jefuits Ordinary at Newgate, where he endeavours to pervert the Prifoners condemned, by promifing them Pardon, and feeding them with Hopes of Tranfportation; thofe whom he finds Wicked enough for his Purpose, he entertains in his Service.

At prefent it is neceffary to give this fhort Account to fatisfy the World, becaufe, notwithstanding the Votes of both Houfes of Parliament, that they were fatisfied with the Information given them, that there was a Plot to murder the the King, alter the Government, and fubvert Religion established by Law, the Papists impudently deny the Thing, or extenuate it, that very few were concerned in it, and that it was not fo bad as the World would make it. In this their impudent Lying they were much confirmed and encouraged by the Office, fent out by the Bishops, to be used on the Faft appointed the 13th of November laft, wherein there was no mention of this Plot; fo that the People might be eafily run down by the Impudency of the Papifts, that there was no Plot at all, nor Defign upon his Majesty's Perfon.

The Papifts lay Afperfions on Oates's Perfon, (the first Discoverer of this Plot) that he is a debauched Fellow, turned out of the College at St. Omers, and doth all this out of Revenge. They fuggeft that his Information muft needs be fictitious, because it is improbable he fhould come in fo fhort a Time to a distinct Knowledge of fo many Particulars; or if he had heard or feen them, that he fhould remember them; and that if he went amongst them, with an intent to discover them, why did he not do it fooner? And lastly, they fay it is not likely, that those who mingled their Blood with that of his Majefty's best Protestant Subjects in the late Wars, fhould now, as one Man, have the leaft Thoughts of murdering the King they had fought for, and deftroy the Liberty of the Nation they had vindicated with their Lives; these Infinuations feem plausible, but when we look into them, we fhall find they are either palpably falfe, or frivolous.

As to Titus Oates's Education, he was bred a Student in St. John's College in Cambridge; that he is a Scholar appears by his proceeding Doctor in Divinity in Salamanca in Spain, no mean Univerfity, where he did all his Exercise, more difficult than that performed by us here. He was fometimes Minifter at Chichefter, and at laft Chaplain to the Duke of Norfolk. In all the fe Stations he was a Perfon of a fober Life and Converfation, and never charged with Debauchery, and dares appeal to the Jefuits themfelves in this particular, who would VOL. III.

M m

never

never have esteemed him fo much, nor trufted him fo far, had they not found him a fober Man, and fit for their Purpose.

When he was the Duke of Norfolk's Chaplain, he over-heard fome Whisperings among the Priefts, that there was fome great Defign on foot, but could not learn what it was. He had heard from his Proteftant Friends, and had read in Sir Hammond L'Eftrange's Hiftory of King Charles the Firft, that the Papifts had carried on a Defign for many Years to introduce Popery again into thefe Nations, which created in him an itching Defire to fee the Depth of it, and if it were poffible to countermine it; to this end, he feemed to fome Priests as if he were diffatisfied in fome Things, as to our Church, and defired an Opportunity to Difcourfe with fome of their Jefuits, which the Pricfts procured, upon this Condition, that he would not betray them. After fundry Conferences with them, in which he fuffered himself to be overcome, he was formally reconciled to the Church of Rome; after his Reconciliation, he begged the Fathers of the Jefuits that they would give him their Order, which was granted him after three Days Confideration. They then told him, because he was a Man of Years, being about Twenty-eight, they would not employ him as usually they did Novices, in Drudgery for the first two Years, but he fhould spend that Time in being a Meffenger for their Society. This exactly fitted his Defign, fo that he was fent with Letters into Spain; thofe he opened, and by them began to fmell fomething of their Hellifh Defigns, and managed his Bufinefs fo dexterously, that after a little time he was taken into their Confult, as they call it, and fo had an Opportunity to fee all that was acting at the prefent, and liberty, without Sulpicion, to enquire how any Thing paft had been carried on; more particularly he made it his Business to inform himself of the Beginning, Progrefs, and Conclufion of the late Wars, in all which he found the Jesuits had a great hand. By this means he understood that the City was fired by their Contrivance, and was told how the Plot was laid, and who were the Actors in the feveral Scenes of it, which he might confidently believe, because he faw how they burnt Southwark, and defigned to burn the Temple, Westminster, and the rest of the Suburbs. He kept fhort Notes of all Things of Moment that occurred from the time he was admitted into their Society, with an intent to produce them when they might be of ufe; by this means he is able to give fo exact an Account of all Occurrences, which are confirmed by other Circumstances and collateral Evidence, that in many, hundred Particulars no one thing hath interfered with another, nor with thofe Papers that have been found elfewhere, or with thofe Informations that have been given in by other Perfons. For instance, he informs that Coleman was a great Agent in this Bufinefs; Letters found inform the fame. He informs that he delivered Commiffions received from Langborn; Letters intercepted make mention of Commiffions fent, which they hoped were delivered. In fhort, it was impoffible that a Man fhould contrive fuch a Thing, attended with fo many hundreds, nay fome thousands of Circumftances, and comparing them with fo many Papers, and Informations, and Examinations of fo many other Men, but they would interfere one with another if they were false; therefore it may be concluded the whole is true, till fomething be found to the contrary, and then it will follow that this is the moft bloody, devillifh, and hellish Design that ever was contrived. The Maffacre in France, tho' very barbarous; the Maffacre in Ireland

2

land, tho' very bloody; the Invafion intended in 88; the Gun-Powder-Treason, were inferior to this, which fhould immediately have fpread itfelfover fo many Kingdoms. That Propofition made in Parliament to imprifon all the Priefts and Jefuits that can be found in the three Kingdoms, and to fecure the principal Papifts in his Majesty's Dominions, to be kept as Hoftages for his Majefty's Life, seems not unreasonable. It is effential to the Popish Religion, (founded upon the Pope's Supremacy and Infallibility) that all Papifts do own a foreign Allegiance, namely, to the Pope; the Oath of Supremacy is diametrically oppolite to the Popish Religion, whoever takes that Oath, and is a Papift ftill, in these two fundamental Points, debauches his Confcience, and must do all the Pope bids him in ordine ad fpiritualia notwithstanding. When the Pope condemns any for Herefy, (as is our Cafe now) all Papifts are bound as Papifts, to destroy fuch when it is commanded; this is not only their Duty, but it is meritorious fo to do, as the Papifts did believe it in our intended Maffacre. So that they are our inveterate, irreconciliable, profest Enemies, and would have declared themselves fo, had they not been prevented by God's Mercy in preferving the King's Life, and the feasonable Difcovery of the Plot. Though they are not in open Hoftility, they lurk in fecret, and ought to be looked upon as Spies, and by the Law of Nations may be used as fuch; then, if instead of prefent Death, which all Spies deferve, their Priefts and Jefuits, and principal Laity are imprisoned, and there kept, not to be executed, unless their Confederates abroad exert their wicked Principles, and put them in Execution, by murdering our King, burning our Houfes, and embroiling the Nation in Blood, this feems to be no Piece of Injustice.

As to the Time of Oates's Difcovery of the Plot, if on the first Intimation of the Papifts Design he had made a Discovery of it, probably he had been rejected, because he could not make out the Particulars, as now he doth. He hath been hardly received fince, and therefore would in all likelihood have been rejected then. Further, he had not the Command of himself, when he engaged in their Society; had he moved any way without, or contrary to their Order, he had presently been fufpected, and might eafily have been found out; as foon as he was fent from St. Omers into England, and had an Opportunity, he did fhew his real Intention to preferve his Majefty's Perfon, and his native Country from their Romish Enemies, the Safety of which depended folely upon his Information, which for aught we fee muft otherwife have been a Prey to them.

As to the Papifts affifting King Charles the First in the late Wars, the Violence of the People forced them to that Side, where they did as much Hurt to his Majefty, by the Scandal they brought to his Party, as they did Good by their Arms. For they were the Cause of that War, and it mattered not much what Side they were on, fo that their Design might go forward: They were the main Men which brought the King's Head to the Block. Monfieur De Moulin, in print, hath offered to make good all thefe Things, but was never called to it; he is yet living, a Man of Reputation, who doubtlefs will make good his Word.

To conclude, this is fuch a plain Discovery of the Roguery and Villany of the Papists, as hath not been made fince England departed from the Church of Rome. It is hoped, that all poor, deluded Perfons, now they fee fuch Things

268

A Second Collection of

they could never have believed effential to the Romish Religion, will renounce their foreign Allegiance to fo devillifh a Master as the Pope is, and return to the Church of England, and free themfelves from thofe impending Troubles which will justly and neceffarily come upon them; in the fuffering of which they can have no Comfort. Perfons that will retain (after all means ufed to fatisfy them) fuch hellish Principles as the Papifts do, ought either wholly to be rooted out from all Mankind, or to be put into fuch a Condition, under fuch Circumftances, that they can do no hurt. As for such as fhall be obftinate in their Irreligion, and maintain a Refolution to destroy all Hereticks, that is Pro-teftants, as foon as they can, it seems not unreasonable to take Hoftages of them for fecuring of the King's Life and Kingdom's Peace, which can be fecured no other way but by putting Things into fuch a Pofture, that the Papifts fhall prefently lofe much by the King's Death, and get no Advantage afterwards by his Succeffors; which must be left to the Wifdom of Parliament. The Candour of the Proteftants is fuch, that no Violence or Affront hath been offered to any Papifts, though the Proteftants fee their Houses fo. frequently fired by their means, and are fure this Plot was laid by them, and fhould have been put in. Execution fo foon as they had accomplished their Treafon upon the King's.

Perfon.

Though the Preffure fhould fall upon the Papifts in general, when it may be prefumed many are innocent, there may be this offered in the Cafe, that few Papifts have made any Difcovery, though many, yea moft of the principal Pa pifts in England have been acquainted with it; fo that all the reft feem to be guilty either a parte ante, by confenting to it, and intending to act in it, or. a parte poft, by denying, approving, concealing, extenuating, and mincing

of it.

The Archbishop of CANTERBURY's Letter to the KING concerning the PLOT, &c. and written. with his own Hand,

May it please your Majesty,

S great as the Secret is which comes herewith, yet I choofe rather to fend it in this filent covert Way, and I hope fafe, then to come thither, and bring it myself. First, because I am no way able to make hafte enough with it. Secondly, because fhould I come at this time and antedate the Meeting, there would be more Jealoufy of the Business, and more Enquiry after it, efpecially if I being once there, fhould return again before that Day, as I must if this be followed, as is most fit.

The Danger it seems is imminent, and laid by God knows whom; but to be executed by them, which are very near about you (for the great Honour which I have to be in Danger with you, or for you, I pafs not, fo your facred Perfon, and the State may be fafe.) Now may it please your Majefty, this In

formation