they treated the English exiles with much harshness, notwithstanding the interference of Melancthon in their favor. Those in Switzerland were chiefly supported by some London merchants, till Gardiner discovered their benefactors, whom he fined and punished, threatening that he would soon "make the exiles eat their fingers' ends for hunger;" this fate was, however, averted by the liberality of those who had afforded them protection. At this time Jewell appears to have visited Italy, and at Padua he contracted a friendship with Scipio, a gentleman of Venice, to whom he afterwards wrote respecting the council of Trent. During the four years of his exile, Jewell studied diligently, and consoled his companions; often saying, that while their brethren at home endured such bitter tortures and horrid martyrdoms, they could not reasonably expect to be at ease: but concluding always, "These things will not last for an age." When the troubles arose at Frankfort respecting the use of the English liturgy, Jewell endeavored to promote peace, though without success.

Queen Mary died on the 17th November, 1558, when Jewell and other English exiles hastened home. On their arrival they found affairs in much disorder, but tending rapidly to a revival of the reformation.

Without entering minutely into the history of that period, it may be stated, that during the life of her sister, Elizabeth had conformed outwardly to the Romish religion: but her attachment to the protestant faith was so well known that several attempts had been made by the bigoted Romanists to procure her death. She was preserved chiefly by the interference of king Philip, actuated by political considerations. The tidings of Mary's death, and the accession of Elizabeth, were received with a general demonstration of joy. On her approach to London she was met by the Romish bishops, whom she received with courtesy, excepting Bonner, from whom she turned with disgust. Elizabeth's situation was difficult. In natural disposition she resembled her father in many points, and would have been unwilling to submit to the usurpations of the popedom, even if the fate of her mother, and her own sufferings from the papists, had not been sufficient to give her an abhorrence of popery. But her feelings on the subject of religion were different from those of her pious brother. Elizabeth's judgment gave preference to the reformed faith, but she does not appear to have experienced that change of heart which he manifested. Her views therefore, were not so simple, nor her proceedings so decided, as the real followers of the truth desired. She had a strong regard for many points of a ceremonial nature maintained by the church of Rome, and she might have inclined to favour its principles still more, had not the pope expressed himself with much violence on being informed of her accession. He told the English resident at Rome that England was a dependence upon the Romish see; that, being illegitimate, Eliza

beth could not succeed to the crown, that she deserved no favour from him; but if she would renounce her pretensions and refer the matter wholly to him, he would act towards her with fatherly affection, and would be as favorable as the dignity of the apostolic see permitted! Elizabeth and her councillors immediately broke off all intercourse with the court of Rome. In this affair, as in the papal proceedings towards Henry VIII., the reformation was facilitated by the conduct of the pontiffs themselves. Neither Elizabeth nor her father could brook the papal usurpations.

The persecutions were stopped immediately after the accession of Elizabeth, and the prisoners in confinement were speedily released. The exiles soon began to arrive, their brethren who had remained concealed came forward, and the doctrines of truth were again publicly set forth. But as the Romanists did not willingly relinquish their power much confusion prevailed. To prevent evil consequences, silence was imposed for a short time upon the divines of both parties, and some of the most bigoted papists, who endeavored to excite tumults, were imprisoned. The reformation now proceeded under the direction of the queen and the parliament; the authority of the pope was renounced, the persecuting statutes were repealed, and protestantism again became the religion of the land, for which succeeding generations are indebted to Elizabeth as the instrument. Many circumstances made it easier for her to pursue a different course; and, though she cannot be delineated as a follower of Christ, there is much cause for thankfulness that she was a protestant upon principle. As such, she afforded protection to the reformers, and was raised up to be " a nursing mother" to the protestant churches of England.

For farther general details of the English reformation, the reader must be referred to the histories of that period. Many events, however, are noticed in a valuable collection of letters from Jewell to Martyr and other continental reformers, preserved at Zurich. These were printed by Burnet, from authenticated copies, sent to him by the public authorities of that city. Some account of this correspondence may be here introduced, as the letters present a lively delineation of the difficulties with which the reformers had to contend in the early part of the reign of queen Elizabeth, and exhibit Jewell's sentiments and views upon many points.

In a letter written by Jewell, January 26th, 1559, while on his journey homewards, he states that Sandys and others had arrived in England, where they were well received by the new queen, and that several bishoprics were void.* He mentions bishop White's funeral sermon for queen Mary, from the text "I praised the dead more than the living," and says he had

* Several Romish bishops died about the same time as queen Mary.

therein represented that it would be a good deal to kill the exiles. The queen had prohibited both parties from preaching; which some accounted for because at the time there was only one protestant preacher in London, others said that it was to prevent disputes about ceremonies. He adds, "Whatever it be, I wish that our people may not proceed with too much prudence and policy in the cause of God."

On March the 20th, Jewell writes that he arrived in England on the fifty-seventh day after he left Zurich, which appears to have been about the middle of January. He had not found matters in so good a state as he expected. As yet the pope's authority was not cast off; as yet true religion was not restored; masses were still said; the Romish bishops displayed the same pomp and insolence, and were a great hinderance to the reformation. The queen openly favoured their cause; but was deterred from any innovations by the leaders of her council and the Spanish ambassador; however, she proceeded with prudence, courage, and piety, though slower than they could wish. A public disputation was to be held between the leading protestant clergy and the papists, in which the former intended to maintain that it is contrary to the word of God, for the public prayers and administration of the sacrament to be in a tongue unknown to the people. He mentions that the queen spoke with much esteem of Martyr, and read his letters repeatedly with much pleasure. Brooks, the popish bishop of Gloucester, a man of impure life, had lately died, and when dying exclaimed that he was damned.

On Friday, 31st March, the disputation was held. It had been previously settled that all the arguments should be in writing. This the Romanists evaded; and being permitted to state their reasons orally, Dr. Cole spoke at considerable length, with much vehemence and gesticulation, and was continually prompted by his associates: Dr. Horne, afterwards bishop of Winchester, then read the document he had prepared on the part of the protestants; it was temperate, able, and convincing. The conference was then adjourned till the following Monday, when the Romanists desired again to go over the subject already discussed, and did every thing in their power to cause irritation and delay. They refused to proceed in the regular course which had been agreed, and finally broke up the conference. By this conduct they much injured their cause in the public estimation.

On the 6th of April, Jewell sent Martyr an account of this public disputation, full particulars of which are given by Fox. Jewell was one of the persons appointed to take a part in the discussion, and earnestly desired that such conferences might be continued, in order that the truth should clearly appear. He describes Dr. Cole as reproaching the protestants in the most abusive manner. The subject first in dispute was respecting prayers in an unknown tongue. With much solemnity, Cole

asserted that the apostles had divided their work into the eastern and western churches. The first, he said, was assigned to Peter and Paul, who directed that all belonging to the Roman church, that is nearly the whole of Europe, should be taught in Latin. The eastern churches were assigned to the other apostles, and there all was to be taught in Greek. He was not afraid to urge one of the most obnoxious dogmas of popery, declaring that it was not expedient that the people should understand the public worship. Ignorance, he said, was the mother of real piety! At such arguments, Jewell rightly supposed that Martyr would smile.

On April the 28th, Jewell wrote again to his beloved friend. He speaks of the earnestness with which the bishops contended in support of popery, whereby the progress of truth was delayed, and the cause of religion hindered. Feckenham, abbot of Westminster, had openly contended in parliament that the Nazarites, the prophets, the apostles, and Christ himself, were monks ! There was a design for seizing the bishops' manors, and endowing them instead with the impropriations formerly belonging to the monasteries. Schools, and matters connected with learning, were neglected. Some much desired to unite more closely with the Lutherans; but they had exhibited their articles of religion and doctrine, to the queen, and had not in the least departed from the Strasburg confession.*

The painful feelings under which Jewell wrote these letters, doubtless were rendered more severe by the earnestness with which Romish principles had been defended in the house of commons during this session of parliament, which terminated by dissolution on the 8th of May. It is true that much was effected towards the re-establishment of the reformation; but not without considerable difficulty. The unblushing effrontery with which the Romish members justified their proceedings considerably injured their cause. Among others, Dr. Story openly avowed the active part he had taken in persecuting the protestants, expressing his regret that he had not done much more! He told the house that he threw a fagot at the face of one of the martyrs, whom he called earwigs, when singing a psalm at the stake at Uxbridge, and set a bush of thorns under his feet. He added, that he saw nothing to be ashamed or sorry for, but that it grieved him they had laboured only about the young and little twigs, whereas they should have struck at the root. By this, it was well known, he meant the queen herself! In the convocation, also, strong efforts were made to support the Romish faith.

On May the 15th, after the dissolution of the parliament, the bishops were summoned to attend the council, and admonished to obey the acts recently passed. On this occasion archbishop

* Or the Tetrapolitan Confession.

Heath reminded the queen of her sister's submission to the see of Rome, and her engagement, in consequence, to suppress heresy; from which he asserted Elizabeth could not recede. Queen Elizabeth made a memorable and spirited reply, which is given by Strype from the authority of sir Henry Sidney. She told the papal prelates that as Joshua declared, “I and my house will serve the Lord," so she and her realm were determined to serve Him, and added a full declaration of her firm resolve not to submit to the usurpation of the bishop of Rome. This much encouraged the supporters of the reformation, and justifies Jewell's statements respecting the queen. The Romish bishops shortly after were deprived, but were suffered to live in retirement. Even Bonner was only imprisoned in the Marshalsea, where he lived till his death in 1569, abhorred and execrated by all good men, but indulging in gluttony and libertinism. The popular indignation at his cruelties was so great, that his body was committed to the grave by night, lest. his remains should be insulted by some whose friends or relatives he had caused to be burned.

In one of his letters Jewell writes that Bonner, when imprisoned in the Tower, addressed some criminals also confined there, as "friends and neighbors," upon which one of them called him a beast, and told him to go to the place he deserved, and find his friends there; adding, "I killed but one man, upon a provocation, and do truly repent of it; but you have killed many holy persons, of all sorts, without any provocation from them, and are hardened in your impenitence.

Of the whole number of the Romish clergy in England, fourteen bishops, thirty-four other dignitaries, fifteen heads of colleges, and less than two hundred priests and other ecclesiastics refused their assent to the measures of reformation; the rest all complied, at least outwardly. The few monastic establishments which had been refounded were now broken up. The Spanish ambassador obtained permission to transfer the inmates of three of them to the continent, where they afterwards assisted the conspirators against Elizabeth. On the 21st of June the English liturgy was again restored. Shortly after, the vacant sees were filled by protestants.

On his arrival in England, Jewell was received by Nicholas Culverwell, a citizen of London, residing in Thames-street, with whom he abode three months. The lord Williams, of Thame, being ill, then sent for him, and with him he stayed some time, during which he probably visited Oxford.

On May 22d, Jewell wrote to Bullinger. He was encouraged by the queen's recent proceedings, and says, "That you exhort us to proceed with activity and courage is á spur not only acceptable, but also almost necessary. For we now have to do, not only with adversaries, but also with friends who fell from us in late years, and united with the enemy, and who now oppose us much more strongly and obstinately." The Spaniards