buried; and, for the sake of the founder, the keeping of it was committed to one of the Jewish nation, even to the time of Josephus. It was a common tradition in those parts for many ages, that Daniel died in that city, and there they show his monument even to this day. It is certain, that he used to go thither from time to time, and he himself tells us that he did the king's business there, that is, was governor for the king of Babylon. Reflections upon Daniel's Prophecies. I have hitherto deferred making any reflections upon the prophecies of Daniel, which certainly to any reasonable mind are a very convincing proof of the truth of our religion. I shall not dwell upon that which personally related to Nebuchadnezzar,' and foretold in what manner, for the punishment of his pride, he should be reduced to the condition of the beasts of the field, and after a certain number of years restored again to his understanding and to his throne. It is well known the matter happened exactly according to Daniel's prediction: the king himself relates it in a declaration addressed to all the people and nations of his empire. Was it possible for Daniel to ascribe such a manifesto or proclamation to Nebuchadnezzar, if it had not been genuine; to speak of it, as having been sent into all the provinces, if nobody had seen it; and in the midst of Babylon, that was full of both Jews and Gentiles, to publish an attestation of such importance, and so injurious to the king, the falsehood of which must have been notorious to all the world? I shall content myself with representing very briefly, and under one and the same point of view, the prophecies of Daniel, which designate the succession of the four great empires, and which, for that reason, have an essential and necessary relation to the subject matter of this work, which is no other than the history of those very empires. The first of these prophecies has reference to the dream which Nebuchadnezzar had, of an image composed of different metals, gold, silver, brass, and iron; which image was broken in pieces, and beaten as small as dust by a little stone from the mountain, which afterwards became itself a mountain of extraordinary height and magnitude. This dream I have already recited at large. About fifty years after, the same Daniel saw another vision very like that which I have just been speaking of; this was the vision of the four large beasts which came out of the sea. The first was like a lion, and had eagle's wings; the second was like a bear; the third was like a leopard, which had four heads; the fourth and last, still more strong and terrible than the other, had great iron teeth; it devoured and brake in pieces, and stamped the residue with his feet. From the midst of the ten horns, which this beast had, there came up a little one, which had eyes like those of a man, and a mouth speaking great things, and this horn became greater than the other: the same horn made war with the saints, and prevailed against them, until the Ancient of Days, that is, the everlasting God, came, and sitting upon his throne, surrounded with a thousand million of angels, pronounced an irreversible judgment upon the four beasts, whose time and duration he had determined, and gave the Son of Man power over all the nations, and all the tribes, an everlasting power and dominion which shall not pass away, and a kingdom which shall not be destroyed. It is generally agreed, that the different metals of which the image was composed, and the four beasts that came out of the sea, signified so many different monarchies, which were to succeed one another, were to be successively destroyed by each other, and were all to give place to the eternal empire of Jesus Christ, Now called Tuster. 2 Dan. viii. 27. Dan. iv. • Ibid. ii. Pag. 139. This was the first year of Belshazzar king of Babylon. Dan. vii. VOL. 1.-18 for whom alone they had subsisted. It is also agreed, that these four monarchies were those of the Babylo nians, of the Persians and Medes united, of the Macedonians, and the Romans. This is plainly demonstrated by the very order of their succession. But where did Daniel see this succession and this order? Who could reveal the changes of empires to him, but He only who is the master of times and monarchies, who has determined every thing by his own decrees, and who by a supernatural revelation imparts the knowledge of them to whom he pleases ?® In the following chapter this prophet speaks with still greater clearness and precision. For after having represented the Persian and Macedonian monarchies under the figure of two beasts, he thus expounds his meaning in the plainest manner: The ram, which hath two unequal horns, represents the king of the Medes and Persians; the goat which overthrows and tramples him under his feet, is the king of the Grecians, and the great horn, which that animal has between his eyes, represents the first king and founder of that monarchy. How did Daniel see that the Persian empire should be composed of two different nations, Medes and Persians; and that this empire should be destroyed by the power of the Grecians? How did he foresee the rapidity of Alexander's conquests, which he so aptly describes, by saying that he touched not the ground? How did he learn, that Alexander should not have any successor equal to himself, and that the first monarch of the Grecian empire should be likewise the most powerful? By what other light than that of divine revelation could he discover, 10 that Alexander would have no son to succeed him; that his empire would be dismembered and divided into four principal kingdoms; and his successors would be of his nation, but not of his blood; and that out of the ruins of a monarchy so suddenly formed, several states would be established, of which some would be in the east, others in the west, some in the south, and others in the north? The particulars of the facts foretold in the remainder of the eighth, and in the eleventh chapter, are no less astonishing. How could Daniel, in Cyrus's reign,11 foretel that the fourth of Cyrus's successors should gather together all his forces to attack the Grecian states? How could this prophet, who lived so long before the time of the Maccabees, particularly describe all the persecutions which Antiochus would bring upon the Jews; the manner of his abolishing the sacrifices, which were daily offered in the temple of Jerusalem; the profanation of that holy place, by setting up an idol therein; and the vengeance which God would inflict on him for it? How could he, in the first year of the Persian empire, foretel the wars which Alexander's successors would wage with one another in the kingdoms of Syria and Egypt, their mutual invasions of one another's territories, their insincerity in their treaties, and their alliances by marriage, which would only be made to cloak their fraudulent and perfidious designs? 18 I leave to the intelligent and religious reader to draw the conclusion which naturally results from these predictions of Daniel; so clear and express, that Por Some interpreters, instead of the Romans, substitute the kings of Syria and Egypt, Alexander's successors. He changeth the times and the seasons; he removeth and setteth up kings. He revealeth the deep and secret things; and the light dwelleth with him. Dan. ii. 21, 22. Dan. viii. great dominion: and his kingdom shall be divided towards 10 And a mighty king shall stand up, that shall rule with the four winds of heaven, and not to his posterity, nor ac cording to his dominion, which he ruled. Dan. xi. 3, 4. Four kingdoms shall stand up out of the nation, but not in his power. Dan. viii. 22. 11 Behold, there shall stand up yet three kings in Persia, and the fourth shall be far richer than they all; and by his strength through his riches he shall stir up all against the realm of Grecia. Dan. xi. 2. 13 Xerxes. 13 Dan. xi. 5-45. phyry, a professed enemy of the Christian religion, could find no other way of disputing the divine original of them, than by pretending that they were written after the events, and were rather a narration of things past, than a prediction of things to come. Before I conclude this article of Daniel's prophecies, I must desire the reader to remark what an opposition the Holy Ghost has put between empires of the world and the kingdom of Jesus Christ. In the former every thing appears great, splendid, and magnificent. Strength, power, glory, and majesty, seem to be their natural attendants. In them we easily discern those great warriors, those famous conquerors, those thunderbolts of war, who spread terror every where, and whom nothing could withstand. But then they are represented as wild beasts, as bears, lions, and leopards, whose sole attribute is to tear in pieces, to devour, and to destroy. What an image and picture is this of conquerors? How admirably does it instruct us to lessen the ideas we are apt to form, as well of empires as of their founders or governors! In the empire of Jesus Christ it is quite otherwise. Let us consider its origin and first rise, or carefully examine its progress and growth at all times, and we shall find that weakness and meanness, if I may be allowed to say so, have always outwardly been its striking characteristics. It is the leaven, the grain of mustard-seed, the little stone cut out of the mountain. And yet, in reality, there is no true greatness but in this empire. The eternal Word is the founder and the king thereof. All the thrones of the earth come to pay homage to his, and to how themselves before him. The design of his reign is to save mankind; to make them eternally happy, and to form to himself a nation of saints and just persons, who may all of them be so many kings and conquerors. It is for their sakes only that the whole world doth subsist; and when the number of them shall be complete, "Then," (says St. Paul)" cometh the end and consummation of all things, when Jesus Christ shall have delivered up the kingdom to God, even the Father: when he shall have put down all rule, and all authority and power." Can a writer, who sees in the prophecies of Daniel that the several empires of the world, after having subsisted during the time determined for them by the Sovereign Disposer of kingdoms, do all terminate and centre in the empire of Jesus Christ; can a writer, I say, amidst all these profane objects, forbear turning his eyes now and then towards that great divine one, and not have it always in view, at least at a distance, as the end and consummation of all others. SECTION III. THE LAST YEARS OF CYRUS. THE DEATH OF THAT PRINCE. LET us return to Cyrus. Being equally beloved by his own natural subjects, and by those of the conquered nations, he peaceably enjoyed the fruits of his labours and victories. His empire was bounded on the east by the river Indus, on the north by the Caspian and Euxine seas, on the west by the Egean sea, and on the south by Ethiopia and the sea of Arabia. He established his residence in the midst of all these countries, spending generally seven months of the year at Babylon in the winter-season, because of the warmth of that climate; three months at Susa in the spring, and two months at Ecbatana during the heat of the summer. Seven years being spent in this state of tranquillity, Cyrus returned into Persia, for the seventh time after his accession to the whole monarchy; and this shows that he used to go regularly into Persia once a year. Cambyses had been now dead for some time, and Cyrus himself was grown pretty old, being at this time about seventy years of age; thirty of which had elapsed since his being first made general of the Per sian forces, nine from the taking of Babylon, and seven from his beginning to reign alone after the death of Cyaxares. To the very last he enjoyed a vigorous state of health, which was the fruit of the sober and temperate life which he had constantly led. And whereas they, who give themselves up to drunkenness and debauchery, often feel all the infirmities of age, even whilst they are young; Cyrus, on the contrary, at a very advanced age, still enjoyed all the vigour and advantages of youth. When he perceived the time of his death to draw nigh, he ordered his children, and the chief officers of the state, to be assembled about him: and after having thanked the gods for all their favours towards him through the course of his life, and implored the like protection for his children, his country, and his friends, he declared his eldest son Cambyses, his successor, and left the other, whose name was Tanaoxares, several very considerable governments. He gave them both excellent instructions, by representing to them, that the main strength and support of the throne was neither the vast extent of countries, nor the number of forces, nor immense riches; but a due respect for the gods, a good understanding between brethren, and the art of acquiring and preserving true and faithful friends. "I conjure you therefore," said he, “my dear children, in the name of the gods, to respect and love one another, if you mean to retain any desire to please me in future. For I do not think you will esteem me to be no longer any thing, because you will not see me after my death. You never saw my soul to this instant: you must have known, however, by its actions, that it really existed. Do you believe that honours would still be paid to those whose bodies are now but ashes, if 'heir souls had no longer any being or power? No, no, my sons, I could never imagine, that the soul only lived whilst in a mortal body, and died when separated from it. But if I mistake, and nothing shall remain of me after death, at least fear the gods, who never die, who see all things, and whose power is infinite. Fear them, and let that fear prevent you from ever doing, or deliberating to do, any thing contrary to religion and justice. Next to them, fear mankind, and the ages to come. The gods have not buried you in obscurity, but have exposed you upon a great theatre to the view of the whole universe. If your actions are guiltless and upright, be assured they will augment your glory and power. As to my body, my sons, when life has forsaken it, enclose it neither in gold nor silver, nor any other matter whatsoever. RESTORE IT IMMEDIATELY TO THE EARTH. Can it be more happy than in being blended, and in a manner incorporated, with the benefactress and common mother of human kind?" After having given his hand to be kissed by all that were present, finding himself at the point of death, he added these last words: "Adieu, dear children; may your lives be happy: carry my last remembrance to your mother. And for you, my faithful friends, as well absent as present, receive this last farewell, and may you live in peace." After having said this, he covered his face, and died equally lamented by all his people. A. M. 3475. Ant. J. C. 529. The order given by Cyrus to RESTORE HIS BODY TO THE EARTH, is, in my opinion, worthy of observation. He would have thought it disgraced and injured, if enclosed in gold or silver. RESTORE IT TO THE EARTH, says he. Where did that prince learn that it was from thence it derived its original? Behold one of those precious traces of tradition as old as the world. Cyrus, after having done good to his subjects during his whole life, demands to be incorporated with the earth, that benefactress of the human race, to perpetuate that good, in some measure, even after his death. Cyrus quidem apud Xenophontem eo sermone, quem moriens habuit, cùm admodum senex esset, negat se unquam senisse, senectutem suam imbecilliorem factam, quàm adolescentia fuisset.-Cic. de Senect. n. 9. Consilii, quamvis egregii, quod ipse non afferret, inimicus. Character and Eulogy of Cyrus. Cyrus may justly be considered as the wisest conqueror, and the most accomplished prince mentioned in profane history. He was possessed of all the qualities requisite to form a great man; wisdom, moderation, courage, magnanimity, noble sentiments, a wonderful ability in managing men's tempers and gaining their affections, a thorough knowledge of all the parts of the military art, as far as that age had carried it, a vast extent of genius and capacity for forming, and equal steadiness and prudence for exe-vereign power, always to preserve his mind in such a cuting, the greatest projects. It is very common for those heroes, who shine in the field, and make a great figure in the time of action, to make but a very poor one upon other occasions, and in matters of a different nature. We are astonished, when we see them alone and without their armies, to find what a difference there is between a general and a great man; to see what low sentiments and mean actions they are capable of in private life: how they are influenced by jealousy, and governed by interest; how disagreeable, and even odious, they render themselves by their haughty deportment and arrogance, which they think necessary to preserve their authority, and which only serve to make them hated and despised. Cyrus had none of these defects. He appeared always the same, that is, always great, even in the slightest matters. Being assured of his greatness, of which real merit was the foundation and support, he thought of nothing more than to render himself affable, and easy of access: and whatever he seemed to lose by this condescending humble demeanour, was abundantly compensated by the cordial affection and sincere respect it procured him from his people. Never was any prince a greater master of the art of insinuation, so necessary for those that govern, and yet so little understood or practised. He knew perfectly what advantages may result from a single word rightly timed, from an obliging carriage, from a reason assigned at the same time that a command is given, from a little praise in granting a favour, and from softening a refusal with expressions of concern and good will. His history abounds with beauties of this kind. He was rich in a sort of wealth which most sovereigns want, who are possessed of every thing but faithful friends, and whose indigence in that particular is concealed by the splendour and affluence with which they are surrounded. Cyrus was beloved, because he himself had a love for others: for, has a man any friends, or does he deserve to have any, when he himself is void of friendship? Nothing is more interesting than to see in Xenophon the manner in which Cyrus lived and conversed with his friends, always preserving as much dignity as was requisite to keep up a due decorum, and yet infinitely removed from that ill-judged haughtiness, which deprives the great of the most innocent and agreeable pleasure in life, that of conversing freely and sociably with persons of merit, though of an inferior station. The use he made of his friends may serve as a perfect model to all persons in authority. His friends had received from him not only the liberty, but an express command to tell him whatever they thought. And though he was much superior to all his officers in understanding, yet he never undertook any thing without asking their advice: and whatever was to be done, whether it was to perform any thing in the government, to make some change in the army, or to form a new enterprise, he would always have every man speak his sentiments, and would often make use of them to correct his own: so different was he from the person mentioned by Tacitus,' who thought it a sufficient reason for rejecting the most excellent project or advice, that it did not proceed from himself: Habes amicos, quia amicus ipse es. Paneg. Trajan. Plat. l. iii. de Leg. p. 694. Hist. l. i. c. 26. Cicero observes, that during the whole time of Cyrus's government, he was never heard to speak one rough or angry word: Cujus summo in imperio nemo unquam verbum ullum asperius audivit. What a great encomium for a prince is comprehended in that short sentence! Cyrus must have been a very great master of himself, to be able, in the midst of so much agitation, and in spite of all the intoxicating effects of sostate of calmness and composure as that no crosses, disappointments, or unforeseen accidents, should ever ruffle its tranquillity, or provoke him to utter any harsh or offensive expression. But what was still greater in him, and more truly royal than all this, was his steadfast persuasion, that all his labours and endeavours ought to tend to the happiness of his people; and that it was not by the splendour of riches, by pompous equipages, luxurious living, or a magnificent table, that a king ought to distinguish himself from his subjects, but by a superiority of merit in every kind, and particularly by a constant, indefatigable care and vigilance to promote their interests and to secure to them tranquillity and plenty. He said himself one day, as he was discoursing with his courtiers upon the duties of a king, that a prince ought to consider himself as a shepherd' (the image under which both sacred and profane antiquity represented good kings;) and that he ought to have the same vigilance, care, and goodness. It is his duty, says he, to watch, that his people may live in safety and quiet; to burden himself with anxieties and cares, that they may be exempt from them; to choose whatever is salutary for them, and remove what is hurtful and prejudicial; to place his delight in seeing them increase and multiply, and valiantly expose his own person in their defence and protection. This, says he, is the natural idea, and the just image of a good king." It is reasonable, at the same time, that his subjects should render him all the service he stands in need of; but it is still more reasonable, that he should labour to make them happy; because it is for that very end that he is their king, as much as it is the end and office of a shepherd to take care of his flock. Indeed, to be the guardian of the commonwealth, and to be king; to be for the people, and to be their sovereign, is but one and the same thing. A man is born for others, when he is born to govern, because the reason and end of governing others is only to be useful and serviceable to them. The very basis and foundation of the condition of princes is, not to belong to themselves: the very characteristic of their greatness is, that they are consecrated to the public good. They may properly be considered as light, which is placed on high, only to diffuse and shed its beams on every thing below. Are such sentiments as these derogatory to the dignity of the regal state? It was by the concurrence of all these virtues that Cyrus succeeded in founding such an extensive empire in so short a time; that he peaceably enjoyed the fruits of his conquests for many years; that he made himself so much esteemed and beloved, not only by his own natural subjects, but by all the nations he had conquered; that after his death he was universally regretted as the common father of all the people. We ought not to be surprised, that Cyrus was so accomplished in every virtue (it will easily be understood, that I speak only of pagan virtucs,) because we know that it was God himself, who had formed him to be the instrument and agent of his gracious designs towards his peculiar people. When I say that God himself had formed this prince, I do not mean that he did it by any sensible Lib. i. Epist. 2. ad. Q. fratrem. Cyrop. 1. i. p. 27. Ib. 1. viii. p. 210. "Thou shalt feed my people, said God to David. 2 Sam. v. 2. Пopiva λav, Homer, in many places, miracle, nor that he immediately made him such, as forms us, that during the whole course of his life, we admire him in the accounts we have of him in which was pretty long, the happiness of it was never history. God gave him a happy disposition, and im- interrupted by any unfortunate accident; and that in planted in his mind the seeds of all the noblest quali- all his designs the success had answered his utmost ties, disposing his heart, at the same time, to aspire expectation. But he acquaints us, at the same time, after the most excellent and sublime virtues. But, with another thing almost incredible, and which was above all, he took care, that this happy genius should the source of all that moderation and evenness of be cultivated by a good education, and by that means temper so conspicuous in him, and for which he can be prepared for the great designs for which he intend- never be sufficiently admired; namely, that in the ed him. We may venture to say, without fear of midst of his uninterrupted prosperity he still preserved being mistaken, that the greatest excellencies in Cy-in his heart a secret fear, proceeding from the appre rus were owing to the mode in which he was edu-hension of the changes and misfortunes that might cated, which confounding him in some sort, with the happen; and this prudent fear was not only a prerest of the subjects, and keeping him under the same servative against insolence, but even against intemsubjection to the authority of his teachers, served to perate joy. eradicate that pride, which is so natural to princes; taught him to hearken to advice, and to obey before he came to command; inured him to hardship and toil; accustomed him to temperance and sobriety; and, in a word, rendered him such as we have seen him throughout his whole conduct, gentle, modest, affable, obliging, compassionate, an enemy to all luxury and pride, and still more so to flattery. 5 There remains one point more to be examined, of great importance in appreciating this prince's reputation and character, upon which however I shall touch but slightly; I mean the nature of his victories and conquests: for if these were founded only upon ambition, injustice, and violence, Cyrus would be so far from meriting the praises bestowed upon him, that he would deserve to be ranked only among those famous robbers of the universe, those public enemies to mankind, who acknowledged no right but that of force; who looked upon the common rules of justice as laws which only private persons were obliged to observe, and derogatory to the majesty of kings; who set no other bounds to their designs and preten sions, than their incapacity of carrying them to an equal extent with their wishes; who sacrificed the lives of millions to their particular ambition; who made their glory to consist in spreading desolation and destruction, like an inundation or a conflagration; and who reigned as bears and lions would do, if they were masters, It must be confessed, that such a prince is one of the most precious and valuable gifts that Heaven can make to mortal men. The infidels themselves have acknowledged this; nor has the darkness of their false religion been able to hide these two remarkable truths from their observation: That all good kings are the gift of God alone, and that such a gift includes many others; for nothing can be so excellent as that which bears the most perfect resemblance to the Deity; and the noblest image of the Deity is a just, moderate, chaste, and virtuous prince, who reigns with no other view than to establish the reign of justice and virtue. This is the portrait which Pliny has left us of Trajan, and which has a great resemThis is indeed the true character of the greatest blance to that of Cyrus. Nullum est præstabilius et part of those pretended heroes, whom the world adpulchrius Dei munus erga mortales quàm castus, et sanc-mires; and by such ideas as these, we ought to cortus, et Deo simillimus, princeps.1 When I narrowly examine this hero's life, there seems to me to have been one circumstance wanting to his glory, which would have enhanced it exceedingly, I mean that of having struggled under some grievous calamity for some time, and of having his virtue tried by some sudden reverse of fortune. I know, indeed, that the emperor Galba, when he adopted Piso, told him that the stings of prosperity were infinitely sharper than those of adversity; and that the former put the soul to a much severer trial than the latter: Fortunam adhuc tantùm adversam tulisti; secundæ res acrioribus stimulis explorant animos. And the reason he gives is, that when misfortunes come with their whole weight upon the soul, she exerts herself, and summons all her strength to bear up against the burden; whereas prosperity, attacking the mind secretly or insensibly, leaves it all its weakness, and insinuates a poison into it, by so much the more dangerous, as it is the more subtle: Quia miseria tolerantur, felicitate corrumpimur. However, it must be owned that adversity, when supported with nobleness and dignity, and surmounted by an invincible patience, adds a great lustre to a prince's glory, and gives him occasion to display many fine qualities and virtues, which would have been concealed in the bosom of prosperity; a greatness of mind, independent of every thing without; an unshaken constancy, proof against the severest strokes of fortune; an intrepidity of soul which is animated at the sight of danger; a fruitfulness in expedients; improving even from crosses and disappointments; a presence of mind, which views and provides against every thing; and, lastly, a firmness of soul, that not only suffices to itself, but is capable of supporting others. Cyrus wanted this kind of glory. He himself in 1 Paneg. Traj. Tac. Hist. lib. i. c. 15. rect the impression made upon our minds by the undue praises of some historians, and the sentiments of many deceived by false images of grandeur. I do not know whether I am not biassed in favour of Cyrus; but he seems to me to have been of a very different character from those conquerors, whom I have just now described. Not that I would justify Cyrus in every respect, or represent him as exempt from ambition, which undoubtedly was the soul of all his undertakings; but he certainly reverenced the laws, and knew that there are unjust wars, in which whoever unseasonably engages, renders himself accountable for all the blood that is shed. Now every war is of this sort, to which the prince is induced by no other motive than that of enlarging his conquests, of acquiring a vain reputation, or rendering himself terrible to his neighbours. Cyrus, as we have seen, at the beginning of the war founded all his hopes of success on the justice of his cause, and represented to his soldiers, in order to inspire them with the greater courage and confidence, that they were not the aggressors; that it was the enemy that attacked them; and that therefore they were entitled to the protection of the gods, who seemed themselves to have put arms into their hands, that they might fight in defence of their friends and allies, unjustly oppressed. If we carefully examine Cyrus's conquests, we shall find that they were all consequences of the victories he obtained over Cræsus, king of Lydia, who was master of the greatest part of the Lesser Asia; and over the king of Babylon, who was master of all Upper Asia, and many other countries; both which princes were the aggressors. With good reason therefore is Cyrus represented | same historian relates concerning his impetuosity and as one of the greatest princes recorded in history; passion, and his childish revenge upon the river, in and his reign justly proposed as the model of a per- which one of his sacred horses was drowned, and fect government, which cannot be such, unless jus- which he immediately caused to be cut by his army tice is the basis and foundation of it: Cyrus à Xeno- into 360 channels, is directly repugnant to the idea phonte scriptus ad justi effigiem imperii.1 we have of Cyrus whose distinguishing characteristic was mildness and moderation. Besides," is it at all probable, that Cyrus, who was marching to the conquest of Babylon, should so idly waste his time when so precious to him, should spend the ardour of his troops in such an unprofitable work, and miss the opportunity of surprising the Babylonians, by amus ing himself with a ridiculous war with a river, instead of carrying it against his enemies? SECTION IV.-WHEREIN HERODOTUS AND XENO PHON DIFFER IN THEIR ACCOUNTS OF CYRUS. HERODOTUS and Xenophon, who perfectly agree in what may be considered as the ground-work and most essential part of Cyrus's history, and particularly in what relates to his expedition against Babylon, and his other conquests; yet differ extremely in the accounts they give of several very important facts, as But, what decides this point unanswerably in fathe birth and death of that prince, and the establish-vour of Xenophon, is the conformity we find between ment of the Persian empire. I therefore think my-his narrative and the Holy Scripture; where we see self obliged to give a succinct account of what Hero- that, instead of Cyrus's having raised the Persian emdotus relates as to these points. pire upon the ruins of that of the Medes (as Herodotus relates), those two nations attacked Babylon together, and united their forces, to reduce the formidable power of the Babylonian monarchy. 2 He tells us, as Justin does after him, that Astyages, king of the Medes, being warned by a frightful dream, that the son who was to be born of his daughter would dethrone him, did therefore marry his daughter Mandane to a Persian of obscure birth and fortune, whose name was Cambyses. This daughter being delivered of a son, the king commanded Harpagus, one of his principal officers, to destroy the infant. He, instead of killing the child, put it into the hands of one of the king's shepherds, and ordered him to leave it exposed in a forest. But the child, being miraculously preserved, and secretly brought up by the shepherd's wife, was afterwards recognized by his grandfather, who contented himself with banishing him to the most remote parts of Persia, and vented all his wrath upon the unfortunate Harpagus, whom he invited to a feast, and caused him to feed on the flesh of his own son. Several years after, young Cyrus, being informed by Harpagus who he was, and being encouraged by his counsels and remonstrances, raised an army in Persia, marched against Astyages, defeated him in a battle, and so transferred the empire from the Medes to the Persians. From whence, then, could so great a difference between these two historians proceed? Herodotus himself explains it to us. In the very place where he gives the account of Cyrus's birth, and in that where he speaks of his death, he acquaints us that, even at that time, those two great events were related different ways. Herodotus followed that which pleased him best, for it appears that he was fond of extraordinary and wonderful things, and readily gave credit to them. Xenophon was of a graver disposition, and less credulous; and in the very beginning of his history acquaints us, that he had taken great care and pains to inform himself of Cyrus's birth, education, and character. 7 CHAPTER II. THE HISTORY OF CAMBYSES. A. M. 3475. dotus, he pretended to have received from Amasis: but it is more probable that Amasis, who had submitted to Cyrus, and become tributary to him, might draw this war upon himself, by refusing, after Cyrus's death, to pay the same homage and tribute to his successor, and by attempting to shake off his yoke. The same Herodotus makes Cyrus die in a manner the throne, he resolved to make As soon as Cambyses ascended little becoming so great a conqueror. This prince, according to him, carried his arms against the Scythi-war against Egypt, for a particular Ant. J. C. 529. ans; and, after having attacked them, in the first affront, which, according to Herobattle pretended to fly, leaving a great quantity of wine and provisions behind him in the field. The Scythians did not fail to seize the booty. When they had drunk largely, and were asleep, Cyrus returned upon them, and obtained an easy victory, taking a vast number of prisoners, amongst whom was the son of the queen, named Tomyris, who commanded the army. This young prince, whom Cyrus refused to restore to his mother, being recovered from his drunken fit, and not able to endure to see himself a prisoner, killed himself with his own hand. His mother To myris, animated with a desire of revenge, gave the Persians a second battle, and feigning a flight, as they had done before, by that means drew them into an ambush, and killed above 200,000 of their men, together with their king Cyrus. Then ordering Cyrus's head to be cut off, she flung it into a vessel full of blood, insulting him at the same time with these opprobrious words: Now glut thyself with blood, in which thou hast always delighted, and of which thy thirst has Cambyses, in order to carry on the war with success, made vast preparations both by sea and with ships. As for his land army, he added to his own land. The Cypriots and Phoenicians furnished him troops a great number of Grecians, Ionians, and Eolians, which made up the principal part of his forces. But none was of greater service to him in this war, than Phanes of Helicarnassus, who being the commander of some auxiliary Greeks, in the service of Amasis, and being some way or other dissatisfied with that prince, came over to Cambyses, and gave him such intelligence concerning the nature of the country, the strength of the enemy, and the state of his affairs, as very much facilitated the success of his expedition. It was particularly by his advice, that he bordered upon Palestine and Egypt, to furnish his contracted with an Arabian king, whose territories and first adventures, has much more the air of a romance than of a history. And, as to the manner of army with water during their march through the desert his death, what probability is there, that a prince, so that lay between these two countries: which agreeexperienced in war, and no less renowned for his pru-backs of camels, without which Cambyses could ment that prince fulfilled, by sending the water on the dence than for his bravery, should so easily fall into an ambuscade laid by a woman for him? What the always been insutiable.* The account given by Herodotus of Cyrus's infancy 1 Cic. I. i. Epist. 1. ad Q. fratrem. Herod. l. i. c. 107-130. Justin. l. i. c. 4. 6. Satia te, inquit, sanguine, quem sitisti, cujusque insatiabilis semper fuisti. Justin. l. i. c. 3. never have marched his army that way. Having made all these preparations," he invaded Egypt in the fourth year of his reign. When he ar |