painted this picture, or at least the greatest part of it; and, as he valued himself upon his reputation, and was more attached to glory than interest, he did it gratuitously, and would not receive any recompense for it. The city of Athens therefore rewarded him with a sort of coin that was more acceptable to his taste, by procuring an order from the Amphyctions which assigned him a public lodging in the city, where he might live during his own pleasure. Plato, in more places than one, makes it his busi- | Thasos, and one of the finest painters of his time, ness to extol the battle of Marathon, and is desirous that that action should be considered as the source and original cause of all the victories that were gained afterwards. It was undoubtedly this victory that deprived the Persian power of that terror which had rendered them so formidable, and had made every thing stoop before them: it was this victory that taught the Grecians to know their own strength, and not to tremble before an enemy terrible only in name; that made them find by experience, that victory does The gratitude of the Athenians towards Miltiades not depend so much upon the number as the courage was of no very long duration. After the battle of of troops; that set before their eyes, in a most con- Marathon, he had desired and obtained the command spicuous light, the glory there is in sacrificing one's of a fleet of seventy ships, in order to punish and sublife in defence of our country, and for the preserva- due the islands that had favoured the Barbarians. Action of liberty; and lastly, that inspired them, through cordingly he reduced several of them; but having had the whole course of succeeding ages, with a noble ill success in the isle of Paros, and, upon a false reemulation and warm desire to imitate their ancestors, port of the arrival of the enemy's fleet, having raised and not to degenerate from their virtue. For, on all the siege which he had laid to the capital, wherein he important occasions, it was customary among them to had received a very dangerous wound, he returned to put the people in mind of Miltiades and his invincible Athens with his fleet; and was there impeached by a troop, that is, of that little army of heroes, whose in-citizen, called Xanthippus, who accused him of havtrepidity and bravery had done so much honour to ing raised the siege through treachery, and in conAthens. sideration of a great sum of money given him by the king of Persia. Little probability as there was in this accusation, it nevertheless prevailed over the merit and innocence of Miltiades. He was condemned to lose his life,s and to be thrown into the Barathrum; a sentence passed only upon the greatest criminals and malefactors. The magistrate opposed the execution of so unjust a condemnation. All the favour shown to this preserver of his country, was to have the sentence of death commuted into a penalty of fifty talents, or 50,000 crowns French money, being the sum to which the expenses of the fleet, that had been equipped upon his solicitation and advice, amounted. Not being rich enough to pay this sum, he was put into prison, where he died of the wound he had received at Paros. Cimon, his son, who was at this time very young, signalized his piety on this occasion, as we shall find hereafter he signalized his courage. He purchased the permission of bury. ing his father's body, by paying the fine of 50,000 crowns, in which he had been condemned; which sum the young man raised, as well as he could, by the assistance of his friends and relations. Those that were slain in the battle,2 had all the honour immediately paid to them that was due to their merit. Illustrious monuments were erected to them all, in the very place where the battle was fought; upon which their own names and that of their tribes were recorded. There were three distinct sets of monuments separately erected, one for the Athenians, another for the Platæans, and a third for the slaves whom they had admitted among their soldiers on that occasion. Miltiades's tomb was erected afterwards in the same place. The reflection Cornelius Nepos makes upon what the Athenians did to honour the memory of their general, deserves to be taken notice of. Formerly, says he, speaking of the Romans, our ancestors rewarded virtue by marks of distinction, neither pompous nor magnificent, which however was rarely granted, and for that very reason were highly esteemed; whereas now, they are so profusely bestowed, that little or no value is set upon them. The same thing happened, adds he, among the Athenians. All the honour that was paid to Miltiades, the deliverer of Athens and of all Greece, was, that, in a picture of the battle of Marathon, drawn by order of the Athenians, he was represented at the head of the ten commanders, exhorting the soldiers, and setting them an example of their duty. But this same people in later ages, being grown more powerful, and corrupted by the flatteries of their orators, decreed 300 statues to Demetrius Phalereus. Plutarch makes the same reflection, and wisely observes, that the honours which is paid to great men ought not to be looked upon as the reward of their illustrious actions, but only as a mark of the esteem in which they are held, the remembrance whereof such monuments are intended to perpetuate. It is not then the stateliness or magnificence of public monuments which gives them their value, or makes them durable, but the sincere gratitude of those that erect them. The 300 statues of Demetrius Phalereus were all thrown down even in his own life-time, but the picture in which Miltiades's courage was represented was preserved many ages after him. This picture was kept at Athens in a gallery adorned and enriched with different paintings, all excellent in their kind, and done by the greatest masters; which, for that reason, was called Poecile, from the Greek word on, signifying varied and diversified. The celebrated Polygnotus, a native of the isle of 1 In Menex. p. 239, 240. Et lib. iii, de Leg. p. 698, 699. Paus. in Attic. p. 60, 61. 3 Cor. Nep. in Milt. c. vi. In præc. de rep. ger. p. 820. * Οὐ γὰρ μισθὸν εἶναι δεῖ τῆς πράξεως, ἀλλὰ σύμβολον, τὴν τιμὴν, ἵνα καὶ διαμένῃ πολὺν χρόνον. Plin. l. xxxv. c. 9. Cornelius Nepos observes, that what chiefly induced the Athenians to act in this manner with regard to Miltiades, was his very great merit and reputation, which made the people, who were but lately delivered from the yoke of slavery under Pisistratus, apprehend that Miltiades, who had formerly been tyrant of the Chersonesus, might affect the same at Athens. They therefore chose rather to punish an innocent person, than to be under perpetual apprehensions of him. To this same principle was the institution of the ostracism at Athens owing. I have elsewhere1o given an account of the most plausible reasons upon which the ostracism could be founded: but I do not see how we can fully justify so strange a policy, to which all merit becomes suspected, and virtue itself appears criminal. This appears plainly in the banishment of Aristides. His inviolable attachment to justice obliged him on many occasions to oppose Themistocles, who did not pique himself upon his delicacy in that respect, and who spared no intrigues and cabals to engage the suffrages of the people, for removing a rival, who always opposed his ambitious designs. In this instance it was evident, 12 that a person may be superior Herod. 1. vi. c. 132, 136. Cor. Nep, in Milt. c. vii, vïïì. Hæc populus respiciens maluit eum innocentum plecti, quam se diutiùs esse in timore. 10 Method of teaching, &c. vol. iii. p. 407. 12 In his cognitum est, quanto antistaret eloquentia innocentis. Quanquara enim adeo excellebat Aristides abstinentiâ, et unus post hominum memoriam, quod quidem nos audierimus, cognomine Justus sit appellatus; tamen à A. M. 3519. Ant. J. C. 485. in merit and virtue, without being so in influence. I that this prince, resolving at once to chastise his The impetuous eloquence of Themistocles prevailed revolted subjects, and to be avenged of his ancient over the justice of Aristides, and occasioned his banish-enemies, determined to make war against both at the ment. In this kind of trial the citizens gave their same time, and to attack Greece in person with the suffrages by writing the name of the accused person main body of his army, whilst the rest of it was emupon a shell, called in Greek dorpakov, from whence ployed in the reduction of Egypt. came the term Ostracism. On this occasion a peasant, who could not write, and did not know Aristides, applied to him, and desired him to put the name of Aristides upon the shell. "Has he done you any wrong," says Aristides, "that you are for condemning him in this manner?" "No," replied the other, "I do not so much as know him; but I am quite tired and angry with hearing every body call him the Just."" Aristides, without saying a word more, calmly took the shell, wrote his name in it, and returned it. He set out for his banishment, imploring the gods that no accident might befall his country, to make it regret him. The great Camillus, in a like case, did not imitate his generosity, and prayed to a quite different effect, desiring the gods to force his ungrateful country, by some misfortune, to have occasion for his aid, and to recall him as soon as possible. O fortunate republic, exclaims Valerius Maximus,2 speaking of Aristides's banishment, which, after having so basely treated the most virtuous man it ever produced, was yet able to find citizens zealously and faithfully attached to her service! Felices Athenas, quæ post illius exilium invenire aliquem aut virum bonum, aut amantem sui civem potuerunt; cum quo tunc ipsa sanctilas migravit! SECTION VIII.-DARIUS RESOLVES TO MAKE WAR IS PREVENTED BY DEATH. DISPUTE BETWEEN TWO According to the ancient custom among the Persians, their king was not allowed to go to war, without having first named the person that should succeed him in the throne; a custom wisely established to prevent the state's being exposed to the troubles which generally attend the uncertainty of a successor, to the inconveniences of anarchy, and to the cabals of various pretenders. Darius, before he undertook his expedition against Greece, thought himself the more obliged to observe this rule, as he was already advanced in years, and as there was a dispute between two of his sons on the subject of succeeding to the empire, which might occasion a civil war after his death, if he left it undetermined. Darius had three sons by his first wife, the daughter of Gobryas, all three born before their father came to the crown; and four more by Atossa, the daughter of Cyrus, who were all born after their father's accession to the throne: Artabazanes, called by Justin Artamenes, was the eldest of the former, and Xerxes of the latter. Artabazanes alleged in his own behalf, that, as he was the eldest of all the brothers, the right of succession, according to the custom and practice of all nations, belonged to him in preference to all the rest. Xerxes argument was, that as he was the founded the Persian empire, it was more just that the son of Darius by Atossa, the daughter of Cyrus, who Crown of Cyrus should devolve upon one of his descendants, than upon one that was not. Demaratus, the Spartan king, who had been unjustly deposed by his subjects, and was at that time in exile at the court of Persia, secretly suggested to Xerxes another argument to support his pretensions: that Artabazanes was indeed the eldest son of Darius, but he, Xerxes, was the eldest son of the king; and therefore, Artabazanes being born when his father was but a private person, all he could pretend to, on account of his seniority, was only to inherit his private estate; but that he, Xerxes, being the first-born son of the king, had the best right to succeed to the crown. He farther supported this argument by the example of the Lacedæmonians, who admitted none to inherit the kingdom but those children that were born after their father's accession. The right of succession was accordingly determined in favour of Xerxes. WHEN Darius received the news of the defeat of his army at Marathon,3 he was violently enraged; and that bad success was so far from discouraging or diverting him from carrying on the war against Greece, that it only served to animate him to pursue it with the greater vigour, in order to be revenged at the same time for the burning of Sardis, and for the dishonour incurred at Marathon. Being thus determined to march in person with all his forces, he despatched orders to all his subjects in the several provinces of his empire to arm themselves for this expedition. After having spent three years in A. M. 3517. making the necessary preparations, Ant. J. C. 487. he had another war to carry on, occasioned by the revolt of Egypt. It seems from what we read in Diodorus Siculus, that Justin and Plutarch place this dispute after DariDarius went thither himself to quell it, and that he us's decease. They both take notice of the prudent succeeded. That historian relates, that upon this conduct of these two brothers in a point of so much prince's desiring to have his statue placed before Se- delicacy. According to their manner of relating this sostris, the chief priest of the Egyptians told him he fact, Artabazanes was absent when the king died; had not yet equalled the glory of that conqueror; and and Xerxes immediately assumed all the marks, and that the king, far from being offended at the Egyp- exercised all the functions, of the sovereignty. But tian priest's freedom, made answer, that he would en- upon his brother's return, he quitted the diadem and deavour to surpass it. Diodorus adds farther, that the tiara, which he wore in such a manner as only Darius, detesting the impious cruelty which his prede-suited the king, went out to meet him, and showed him cessor Cambyses had exercised in that country, expressed great reverence for their gods and temples, that he had several conversations with the Egyptian priests upon matters of religion and government; and that, having learnt of them, with what gentleness their ancient kings used to treat their subjects, he endeavoured, after his return into Persia, to form himself upon their model. But Herodotus,5 more worthy of belief in this particular than Diodorus, only observes, all imaginable respect. They agreed to make their uncle Artabanes the arbitrator of their difference and without any farther appeal to acquiesce in his decision.8 All the while this dispute lasted, the two brothers showed one another all the demonstrations of a truly fraternal friendship, by keeping up a continual intercourse of presents and entertainments, from whence their mutual esteem and confidence for each Herod. l. vi, c. 2, 3. Justin. l. ii. c. 10. Plut. de frat. amore, p. 488. Adeò fraterna contentio fuit, ut nec victor insultaverit, nec victus doluerit; ipsoque litis tempore invicem munera miserint; jucunda quoque inter se non solùm, sed credula convivia habuerint; judicium quoque ipsum sine arbitris, sine convitio fuerit. Tantò moderatiùs tum fratres inter se regna maxima dividebant, quàm nunc exigua patrimonia partiuntur. Justin. other banished all fears and suspicions on both sides, But sometimes these good qualities of his gave way and introduced an unconstrained cheerfulness and to the failings of a quite opposite nature. Do we see a perfect security. This is a spectacle, says Justin, any thing like Darius's usual gentleness and good nahighly worthy of our admiration: to see, whilst most ture in his treatment of that unfortunate father, who brothers are at daggers-drawing with one another desired the favour of him to leave him one of his three about a small patrimony, with what moderation and sons at home, while the other two followed the king temper both waited for a decision, which was to dispose in his expedition? Was there ever an occasion of the greatest empire then in the universe. When wherein he had more need of counsel, than when he Artabanes gave judgment in favour of Xerxes, Arta-formed the design of making war upon the Scythians? bazanes in the same instant prostrated himself before And could any one give more prudent advice than him, acknowledged him for his master, and placed him what his brother gave him upon that occasion? But upon the throne with his own hand; by which pro- he would not follow it. Does there appear in that ceeding he showed a greatness of soul truly royal, whole expedition any mark of wisdom or prudence? and infinitely superior to all human dignities. This What do we see in all that affair, but a prince intoxiready acquiescence in a sentence so contrary to his in-cated with his greatness, who fancied there is nothing terests, was not the effect of an artful policy, that in the world that can resist him ; and whose weak amknows how to dissemble upon occasion, and to derive bition to signalize himself by an extraordinary conhonour to itself from what it could not prevent: no; quest, had stifled all the good sense, judgment, and it proceeded from a real respect for the laws, a sincere even military knowledge, he formerly displayed? affection for his brother, and an indifference for that! What constitutes the solid glory of Darius's reign which so warmly inflames the ambition of mankind, is, his being chosen by God himself, as Cyrus had and so frequently arms the nearest relations against been before, to be the instrument of his mercies toeach other. For his part, during his whole life, he wards his people, the declared protector of the Israelcontinued firmly attached to the interests of Xerxes, ites, and the restorer of the temple at Jerusalem. The and prosecuted them with so much ardour and zeal, reader may see this part of history in the book of Ezra, that he lost his life in his service at the battle of Sala- and in the writings of the prophets Haggai and Zemis. To whatever time this dispute is to be placed, it is certain that Darius could not carry into execution the double expedition he was meditating against Egypt and Greece, and that he was prevented by chariah. CHAPTER II. THE GREEKS. abounds with great events. death from pursuing that project. He had reigned thir- THE HISTORY OF XERXES, CONNECTED WITH THAT OF ty-six years. The epitaph2 of this prince, which contains a boast that he could drink much without disordering his reason, proves that the Persians actually thought that circumstance for their glory. We shall see in the sequel, that Cyrus the Younger ascribes this quality to himself, as a perfection that rendered him more worthy of the throne than his elder brother. Who in these times would think of annexing this merit to the qualifications of a good prince? Darius had many excellent qualities, but they were attended with great failings: and the kingdom felt the effects both of the one and the other. For such is the condition of princes,3 that they never act nor live for themselves alone. Whatever they do, either as to good or evil, they do it for their people; and the interests of the one and the other are inseparable. Darius had a great fund of gentleness, equity, clemency, and kindness for his people: he loved justice, and respected the laws: he esteemed merit, and was careful to reward it: he was not jealous of his rank or authority, so as to exact a forced homage, or to render himself inaccessible; and notwithstanding his own great experience and abilities in public affairs, he would hearken to the advice of others, and reap the benefit of their counsels. It is of him the Holy Scriptures speaks, where it says, that he did nothing without consulting the wise men of his court. He was not afraid of exposing his person in battle, and was always cool even in the heat of action: he said of himself,5 that the most imminent and urgent danger served only to increase his courage and his prudence. In word, there have been few princes more expert than he in the art of governing, or more experienced in the business of war. Nor was the glory of being a conqueror, if indeed it be glory, wanting to his character. For he not only restored and entirely confirmed the empire of Cyrus, which had been very much shaken by the ill conduct of Cambyses and the Magian impostor; but he likewise added many great and rich provinces to it, and particularly India, Thrace, Macedonia, and the isles contiguous to the coast of Ionia. a Ἠδυνάμην καὶ οἶνον πίνειν πολὺν, καὶ τοῦτον φέρειν kalos. Athen. l. x. p. 434. Ita nati estis, ut bona malaque vestra ad remp. pertineant. Tacit. 1. iv. c. 8. • Esth. i. 13. 5 Plut, in Apoph. p. 172. SECTION I-XERXES, AFTER HAVING REDUCED EGYPT, MAKES PREPARATIONS FOR CARRYING THE XERXES having ascended the throne, employed the first year of A. M. 3519. his reign in carrying on the prepara- Ant. J. C. 485. tions begun by his father, for the reduction of Egypt. He also confirmed to the Jews at Jerusalem all the privileges granted them by his father, and particularly that which assigned to them the tribute of Samaria, for the supplying them with victims for the service of the temple of God. A. M. 3520. Ant. J. C. 484. In the second year of his reign? he marched against the Egyptians, and having defeated and subdued those rebels, he made the yoke of their subjection more heavy; then giving the government of that province to his brother Achæmenes, he returned about the latter end of the year to Susa. Herodotus,s the famous historian, was born this same year at Halicarnassus in Caria. For he was fifty-three years old when the Peloponnesian war first began. A. M. 3521. Ant. J. C. 483. Xerxes, puffed up with his success Herod. 1. vii. c. 5. Joseph. Antiq. L. xi. c. 5. the example of his predecessors, who had all of them occasion with a liberty suitable to my age and to your distinguished their names and reigns by noble enter- interest. When Darius your father, and my brother, prises; the obligation he was under to revenge the in- first thought of making war against the Scythians, I solence of the Athenians, who had presumed to fall used all my endeavours to divert him from it. I need upon Sardis, and reduce it to ashes; the necessity he not tell you what the enterprise cost, or what was the was under to avenge the disgrace his country had re- success of it. The people you are going to attack ceived at the battle of Marathon; and the prospect of are infinitely more formidable than the Scythians. the great advantages that might be reaped from this The Grecians are esteemed the very best troops in war, which would be attended with the conquest of the world, either by land or sea. If the Athenians Europe, the most rich and fertile country in the uni- alone were able to defeat the numerous army comverse. He added farther, that this war had been re-manded by Datis and Artaphernes, what ought we to solved on by his father Darius, and consequently that expect from all the states of Greece united together? he only followed and executed his intentions; he con- You design to pass from Asia into Europe, by laying cluded with promising ample rewards to those who a bridge over the sea. And what will become of us, should distinguish themselves by their valour in the if the Athenians, proving victorious, should advance expedition. to this bridge with their fleet, and break it down? I still tremble when I consider, that in the Scythian expedition, the life of the king, your father, and the safety of all his army, were reduced to depend upon the fidelity of one single man; and that if Hystiaus the Milesian had, in compliance with the urgent suggestions made to him, consented to break down the Mardonius, the same person who had been so unsuccessful in Darius's reign, grown neither wiser nor less ambitious by his ill success, and extremely anxious to obtain the command of the army, was the first who gave his opinion. He began by extolling Xerxes above all the kings that had gone before or should succeed him. He endeavoured to show the indispen-bridge which had been laid over the Danube, the sable necessity of avenging the dishonour done to the Persian name: he disparaged the Grecians, and represented them as a cowardly, timorous people, without courage, without forces, or experience in war. For a proof of what he said, he mentioned his own con-rated upon an affair, whatever happens to be the sucquest of Macedonia, which he exaggerated in a very vain and ostentatious manner, as if that people had submitted to him without any resistance. He presumed even to affirm, that not any of the Grecian nations would venture to come out against Xerxes, who would march with all the forces of Asia; and that if they had the temerity to present themselves before him, they would learn to their cost, that the Persians were the bravest and most warlike nation in the world. The rest of the council, perceiving that this flattering discourse was extremely agreeable to the king, were afraid to contradict it, and all kept silence. This was almost an unavoidable consequence of Xerxes's manner of proceeding. A wise prince, when he proposes an affair in council, and really desires that every one should speak his true sentiments, is extremely careful to conceal his own opinion, that he may put no constraint upon that of others, but leave them entirely at liberty. Xerxes, on the contrary, had openly discovered his own inclination, or rather resolution, to undertake the war. When a prince acts in this manner, he will always find artful flatterers, who, being eager to insinuate themselves into favour and to please, and ever ready to comply with his inclinations, will not fail to second his opinion with specious and plausible reasons; whilst those that would be capable of giving good counsel are restrained by fear; there being very few courtiers who love their prince well enough, and have sufficient courage to venture to displease him by disputing what they know to be his taste or opinion. The excessive praises given by Mardonius to Xerxes, which is the usual language of flatterers, ought to have made the king distrust him, and apprehend, that under an appearance of zeal for his glory, that nobleman endeavoured to cloak his own ambition, and the violent desire he had to command the army. But these sweet and flattering words, which glide like a serpent under flowers, are so far from displeasing princes, that they captivate and charm them. They do not consider that men flatter and praise them, because they believe them weak and vain enough to suffer themselves to be deceived by commendations that bear no proportion to their merit and actions. This behaviour of the king made the whole council mute. In this general silence, Artabanes, the king's uncle, a prince very venerable for his age and prudence had the courage to make the following speech, "Permit me, great prince," says he, addressing himself to Xerxes, “to deliver my sentiments to you on this : Persian empire had been entirely ruined. Do not expose yourself, sir, to the like danger, especially since you are not obliged to do it. Take time at least to reflect upon it. When we have maturely delibecess of it, we have no blame to impute to ourselves. Precipitation besides its being imprudent, is almost always unfortunate, and attended with fatal consequences. Above all, do not suffer yourself, great prince, to be dazzled with the vain splendour of imaginary glory, or with the pompous appearance of your troops. The highest and most lofty trees have the most reason to dread the thunder. As God alone is truly great, he is an enemy to pride, and takes pleasure in humbling every thing that exalteth itself and very often the most numerous armies fly before a handful of men, because he inspires the one with courage, and scatters terror among the others." Artabanes, after having spoken thus to the king, turned himself towards Mardonius, and reproached him with his want of sincerity or judgment, in giving the king a notion of the Grecians so directly contrary to truth; and showed how extremely he was to blame for desiring rashly to engage the nation in a war, which nothing but his own views of interest and ambition could tempt him to advise. "If a war be resolved upon," added he, "let the king, whose life is dear to us all, remain in Persia; and do you, since you so ardently desire it, march at the head of the most numerous army that can be assembled. In the mean time, let your children and mine be given up as a pledge, to answer for the success of the war. If the issue of it be favourable, I consent that mine be put to death: but if it prove otherwise, as I well foresee it will, then I desire that your children, and you yourself, on your return, may be treated in such a manner as you deserve, for the rash counsel you have given your master." Xerxes, who was not accustomed to have his sentiments contradicted in this manner, fell into a rage. "Thank the gods," says he to Artabanes, "that you are my father's brother; were it not for that, you should this moment suffer the just reward of your audacious behaviour. But I will punish you for it in another manner, by leaving you here among the women, whom you too much resemble in your cowardice and fear, whilst I march at the head of my troops, where my duty and glory call me." Artabanes had expressed his sentiments in very respectful and moderate terms: Xerxes nevertheless was extremely offended. It is the misfortune of οὐ γὰρ 1 Φιλέει ὁ Θεὸς τὰ ὑπερέχοντα πάντα κολουειν τα φρονέειν ἄλλον μέγα ὁ θεὸς, ἢ ἐωῦτον, Why should the children be punished for their father's faults? 214 princes, spoiled by flattery, to look upon every thing as dry and austere, that is sincere and ingenuous, and to regard all counsel delivered with a generous and disinterested freedom, as a seditious presumption. They do not consider that even a good man never dares to tell them all he thinks, nor discover the whole truth, especially in things that may be disagreeable to them; and that what they stand most in need of, is a sincere and faithful friend that will conceal nothing from them. A prince ought to think himself very happy, if in his whole reign he finds but one man born with that degree of generosity and who certainly ought to be considered as the most valuable treasure of the state, as he is, if the expression may be admitted, both the most necessary, and at the same time the most rare instrument of government.2 throne, and afterwards to take his place in his bed for the night. Artabanes hereupon discoursed very sensibly and rationally with the king upon the vanity of dreams; and then coming to what personally regarded him, "I look upon it," says he, "almost equally commendable to think well one's self, and to hearken with docility to the good counsels of others. You have both these qualities, great prince; and if you follow the natural bent of your own temper, it would lead you solely to sentiments of wisdom and moderation. You never take any violent measures or resolutions, but when the arts of evil counsellors urge you into them, or the poison of flattery misleads you: in the same manner as the ocean, of itself calm and serene, is never disturbed but by the extraneous impulse of other bodies. What afflicted me in the my sentiments freely in council, was not the personal answer you made me the other day, when I delivered affront to me, but the injury you did yourself, by making so wrong a choice between the different counsels that were offered; rejecting that which led you to sentiments of moderation and equity; and embracing the other, which, on the contrary, tended only to nourish pride, and to inflame ambition." in the king's bed, and had the same vision which Artabanes, through complaisance, passed the night Xerxes had before; that is, in his sleep he saw a man, who severely reproached him, and threatened him with the greatest misfortunes, if he continued to oppose the king's intentions. This so much affected him, that he came over to the king's first opinion, believing that there was something divine in these repeated visions; and the war against the Grecians was resolved upon. These circumstances I relate here as I find them in Herodotus. Xerxes himself acknowledged this upon the occasion we are speaking of. When the first emotions of his anger were over, and he had time to reflect on his pillow upon the different counsels that had been given him, he confessed he had been to blame to give his uncle such harsh language, and was not ashamed to confess his fault the next day in open council; ingenuously owning, that the heat of youth, and his want of experience, had made him negligent in paying the regard due to a prince so worthy of respect as Artabanes, both for his age and wisdom; and declaring at the same time, that he was come over to his opinion, notwithstanding a dream he had had in the night, wherein a phantom had appeared to him, and warmly exhorted him to undertake that war. All who composed the council were delighted to hear the king speak in this manner; and to testify their joy, they fell prostrate before him, striving who should most extol the glory of such a proceeding; nor could their praises on such an occasion be at all suspected. For it is no hard matter to discern," Xerxes in the sequel did but ill support this chawhether the praises given to princes proceed from the sient_rays of wisdom and reason, which shine forth racter of moderation. We shall find in him only tranheart, and are founded upon truth, or whether they but for a moment, and then give way to the most drop from the lips only as an effect of mere flattery culpable and extravagant excesses. and deceit. That sincere and humiliating acknow-however, even from thence, that he had very good ledgment made by the king, far from appearing a natural parts and inclinations. But the most excelWe may judge, weakness in him, was looked upon by them as the effort lent qualities are soon spoiled and corrupted by the of a great soul, which rises above its faults, in bravely poison of flattery, and the possession of absolute and confessing them, by way of reparation and atonement. unlimited power: Vi dominationis convulsus,5 They admired the nobleness of this procedure the more, as they knew that princes educated like Xerxes, in a vain haughtiness and false glory, are never disposed to own themselves in the wrong, and generally make use of their authority to justify, with pride and obstinacy, whatever faults they have committed through ignorance or imprudence. We may venture, I think, to say, that it is more glorious to rise in this manner, than it would be never to have fallen. Certainly there is nothing greater, and at the same time more rare and uncommon, than to see a mighty and powerful prince, and that in the time of his greatest prosperity, acknowledge his faults, when he happens to commit any, without seeking pretexts or excuses to cover them; pay homage to truth, even when it is against him and condemns him; and leave other princes, who have a false delicacy concerning their grandeur, the shame of always abounding with errors and defects, and of never owning that they have any. The night following, the same phantom, if we may believe Herodotus, appeared again to the king, and repcated the same solicitations, with new menaces and threatenings. Xerxes communicated what passed to his uncle; and, in order to find out whether this vision proceeded from the gods or not, entreated him earnestly to put on the royal robes, to ascend the 1 Ita formatis principum auribus, ut aspera quæ utilia, nec quicquam nisi jucundum et ketum accipiant.-Tacit. Hist. 1. iii, c. 56. Nullum majus boni imperu instrumentum quàm bonus amicus. Tacit. Hist. I. iv. c. 7. Nec occultum est quando ex veritate, quando adumoratâ lætitiâ, facta imperatorum celebrantur. Tacit. Annal. iv, c. 31. less affected with an affront to himself, than with the It it a fine sentiment in a minister of state, to be wrong done his master by giving him evil and pernicious counsel. Artabanes observes, it tended only to nourish and inMardonius's counsel was pernicious; because, as crease that spirit of haughtiness and violence in the prince, which was but too prevalent in him already, ßpiv avtovons; and because it disposed and accustomed his mind still to carry his views and desires beyond his present fortune, still to be aiming at something farther, and to set no bounds to his ambition. This is the predominant passion of those men whom the language of the Holy Scripture, we might call we usually call conquerors, and whom, according to with great propriety robbers of nations.8 If you consider and examine the whole race of Persian kings, pro Cluent. n. 84. et Tit. Liv. 1. xxii. n. 19. Sæpe ego auThis thought is in Hesiod. Opera et dies, v. 293. Cic. divi, milites, eum primum esse virum, qui ipse consulat quid in rem sit; secundum eum, qui bene momenti obediat: qui nec ipse consulere, nec alteri parere sciat, eum extremi ingenii esse. Tacit. Ως κακὸν εἴη διδάσκειν τὴν ψυχὴν πλεον τι δίζεσθαι αδελ ἔχειν τοῦ παρέοντος. Herculisque vestigia felix temeritas egit; sed omnium, quos Nec hoc Alexandri tantùm vitium fuit, quem per Liben fortuna irritavit implendo. Totum regni Persici steinma rit? qui non vitam in aliquâ ulteriùs procedendi cogitatione percense: quem invenies, cui modum imperii satietas fece penitus hauritur et conditur: nec interest quantum eo, quod finierit? Nec id mirum est. Quicquid cupiditati contigit, inexplebile est, congeras. Senec. 1. vii, de benef. c. 3.' Jer. iv. 7. |