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says Seneca, will you find any one of them that ever stopped his career of his own accord; that was ever satisfied with his past conquests; or that was not forming some new project or enterprise, when death surprised him? Nor ought we to be astonished at such a disposition, adds the same author; for ambition is a gulf and a bottomless abyss, wherein every thing is lost that is thrown in, and where, though you were to heap province upon province, and kingdom upon kingdom, you would never be able to fill up the mighty void.

SECTION II.-XERXES BEGINS HIS MARCH, AND
PASSES FROM ASIA INTO EUROPE, BY CROSSING THE

STRAITS OF THE HELLESPONT UPON A BRIDGE OF
BOATS.

THE war being resolved upon, A. M. 3523. Xerxes, that he might omit nothing Ant. J. C. 481. which could contribute to the success of his undertaking, entered into a confederacy with the Carthaginians, who were at that time the most potent people of the West, and made an agreement with them, that whilst the Persian forces should attack Greece, the Carthaginians should fall upon the Grecian colonies that were settled in Sicily and Italy, in order to hinder them from coming to the aid of the other Grecians. The Carthaginians made Amilcar their general, who did not content himself with raising as many troops as he could in Africa, but with the money that Xerxes had sent him, engaged a great number of soldiers out of Spain, Gaul, and Italy, in his service; so that he collected an army of 300,000 men, and a proportionate number of ships, in order to execute the projects and stipulations of the league.

and throw thee headlong into the sea." At the same times he ordered his labourers to be scourged, in order to make them carry on the work the faster. A travellers who lived in the time of Francis the First, and who wrote a book in Latin concerning the singular and remarkable things he had seen in his travels, doubts the truth of this fact; and takes notice, that as he passed near mount Athos, he could perceive no traces of the work we have been speaking of.

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Xerxes, as we have already related, advanced towards Sardis. Having left Cappadocia, and passed the river Halys, he came to Celænæ,8 a city of Phrythius, a Lydian, had his residence in this city, and gia, near which is the source of the Mæander. Pynext to Xerxes was the most opulent prince of those times. He entertained Xerxes and his whole army with an incredible magnificence, and made him an offer of all his wealth towards defraying the expenses of his expedition. Xerxes surprised and charmed at so generous an offer, had the curiosity to inquire to what sum his riches amounted. Pythius made answer, that with the design of offering them to his service, he had taken an exact account of them, and that the silver he had by him amounted to 2000 talents (which make 6,000,000 French money;) and the gold to 4,000,000 of Daricks, 10 wanting 7000 (that is to say, to 40,000,000 of livres, wanting 70,000, reckoning ten livres French money to the darick.) All this money he offered him, telling him, that his revenues were sufficient for the support of his household. Xerxes made him very hearty acknowledgments, entered into a particular friendship with him, and that he might not be outdone in generosity, instead of accepting his daricks, which were wanting to make up his gold a offers, obliged him to accept as a present the 7000 round sum of 4,000,000.

Thus Xerxes, agreeably to the prophet Daniel's prediction, having through his great power and his great riches stirred up all the nations of the then known After such a conduct as this, who would not think world against the realm of Greece, that is to say, of all that Pythius's11 peculiar characteristic and particular the west under the command of Amilcar, and of all virtue had been generosity, and a noble contempt of the east under his own banner, set out from Susa, 2 riches? And yet he was one of the most penurious in order to enter upon this war, in the fifth year of his princes in the world; and who, besides his sordid reign, which was the tenth after the battle of Mara- avarice with regard to himself, was extremely cruel thon, and marched towards Sardis, the place of ren- and inhuman to his subjects, whom he kept condezvous for the whole army, whilst the fleet advanced tinually employed in hard and fruitless labour, alalong the coasts of Asia Minor towards the Helles-ways digging in the gold and silver mines, which he pont.

Xerxess had given orders to have a passage cut through mount Athos. This is a mountain in Macedonia, a province of Turkey in Europe, which extends a great way into the Archipelago, in the form of a peninsula. It is joined to the land only by an isthmus of about half a league over. We have already taken notice, that the sea in this place was very tempestuous, and occasioned frequent shipwrecks. Xerxes made this his pretext for the orders he gave for cutting through the mountain but the true reason was the vanity of signalizing himself by an extraordinary enterprise, and by doing a thing that was extremely difficult; as Tacitus says of Nero: Erat incredibilium cupitor. Accordingly Herodotus observes, that this undertaking was more vain-glorious than useful, since he might with less trouble and expense have had his vessels carried over the isthmus, as was the practice in those days. The passage he caused to be cut through the mountain was broad enough to let two galleys with three banks of oars each pass through it abreast. This prince, who was extravagant enough to believe, that all nature and the very elements, were under his command, in consequence of that opinion, wrote a letter to mount Athos in the following terms: "Athos, thou proud and aspiring mountain, that liftest up thy head unto the heavens, I advise thee not to be so audacious as to put rocks and stones, which cannot be cut, in the way of my workmen. If thou givest them that opposition, I will cut thee entirely down,

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had in his territories. When he was absent from home, his subjects went with tears in their eyes to the princess his wife, laid their complaints before her, and implored her assistance. Commiserating their condition, she made use of a very extraordinary method to work upon her husband, and to give him a clear notion and a palpable demonstration of the folly and injustice of his conduct. On his return home, she ordered an entertainment to be prepared for him, very magnificent in appearance, but what in reality was no entertainment. All the courses and services were of gold and silver; and the prince, in the midst of all these rich dishes and splendid rarities, could not satisfy his hunger. He easily divined the meaning of this enigma, and began to consider, that the end of gold and silver was not merely to be looked upon, but to be employed and made use of, and that to neglect

gia

Plut, de anim. tranq. p. 470.

Bellon, singul. rer. observ. p. 78.
Herod, 1. vii. c. 26, 29.

Major, on the road from Susa to Sardis. It is now in This city, agreeably to the text, was situated in Phryruins, and modern geographers are much divided in opinion respecting its ancient site. It was a city of great note in the days of the Lydian and Phrygian kings, and during the time of the Persian empire: it is also noted in the march of the younger Cyrus, and a description of its site has been given by Xenophon in the Anabasis. Here was here no less than 30 days, and was joined here by Clearthe grand rendezvous of the army of the prince, who stayed

chus and 3700 Greeks.

About 255,000/, sterling.

10 About 1,700,000l. sterling!

11 Plutarch calls him Pythis. Plut de virt, mulier. p. £62

as he had done, the business of husbandry and the if he still persisted in his first opinion, and if he would tilling of land, by employing all his people in digging still advise him not to make war against Greece, supand working of mines, was the direct way to bring a posing he had not seen the vision, which occasioned famine both upon himself and his country. For the him to change his sentiments. Artabanes owned he future, therefore, he only reserved a fifth part of his still had his fears; and that he was very uneasy conpeople for the business of mining. Plutarch has pre-cerning two things. What are those two things? reserved this fact in a treatise, wherein he has collected plied Xerxes. The land and the sea, says Artabanes : a great many others to prove the ability and industry the land, because there is no country that can feed and of ladies. We have the same disposition of mind no- maintain so numerous an army; the sea, because there ticed in fabulous story, in the example of a prince,' are no ports capable of receiving such a multitude of who reigned in this very country, for whom every vessels. The king was very sensible of the strength thing that he touched was immediately turned into gold, of this reasoning; but as it was now too late to go according to the request which he himself had made back, he made answer, that in great undertakings, to the gods, and who by that means was in danger of men ought not so narrowly to examine all the inconperishing with hunger. veniences that may attend them; that if they did, no signal enterprises would ever be attempted: and that if his predecessors had observed so scrupulous and timorous a rule of policy, the Persian empire would never have attained its present height of greatness and glory.

The same prince, who had made such obliging offers to Xerxes, having desired as a favour of him some time afterwards, that out of his five sons who served in his army, he would be pleased to leave him the eldest, in order to be a support and comfort to him in his old age; the king was so enraged at the proposal, though so reasonable in itself, that he caused the eldest son to be killed before the eyes of his father, giving him to understand, that it was a favour that he spared the lives of him and the rest of his children; and then causing the dead body to be cut in two, and one part to be placed on the right, and the other on the left, he made the whole army pass between them, as if he meant to purge and purify it by such a sacrifice. What a monster in nature is a prince of this kind! How is it possible to have any dependence upon the friendship of the great, or to rely upon their warmest professions and protestations of gratitude and service? From Phrygia,3 Xerxes marched to Sardis, where he spent the winter. From hence he sent heralds to all the cities of Greece, except Athens and Lacedæmon, to require them to give him earth and water, which as we have taken notice of before, was the way of exacting and acknowledging submission.

Artabanes gave the king another piece of very prudent advice, which he no more thought fit to follow than he had the former: this was, not to employ the Ionians in his service against the Grecians, from whom they were originally descended, and on which account he ought to suspect their fidelity. Xerxes, however, after these conversations with his uncle, treated him with great friendship, paid him the highest marks of honour and respect, sent him back to Susa, to take the care and administration of the empire upon him during his own absence, and to that end invested him with his whole authority.

Xerxes,5 at a vast expense, had caused a bridge of boats to be built upon the sea, for the passage of his forces from Asia into Europe. The space that separates the two continents, formerly called the Hellespont, and now called the straits of the Dardanelles, or of Gallipoli, is seven stadia in breadth, which is near an English mile. A violent storm arose on a As soon as the spring of the year came on, he left sudden and broke down the bridge. Xerxes hearing Sardis, and directed his march towards the Hellespont. this news on his arrival, fell into a transport of rage; Being arrived there, he wished to have the pleasure and in order to avenge himself for so cruel an affront, of seeing a naval engagement. A throne was erected commanded two pair of chains to be thrown into the for him upon an eminence; and in that situation, see- sea, as if he meant to shackle and confine it, and his ing all the sea crowded with his vessels, and the land men to give it 300 strokes of a whip, addressing it in covered with his troops, he at first felt a secret joy this manner: "Thou troublesome and unhappy elediffuse itself through his soul, in surveying with his ment, thus does thy master chastise thee for having own eyes the vast extent of his power, and consider- affronted him without reason. Know, that Xerxes ing himself as the most happy of mortals; but reflect- will easily find means to pass over thy waters, in spite ing soon afterwards, that of so many thousands in a of all thy billows and resistance." The extravagance hundred years' time there would not be one living soul of this prince did not stop here; but, making the unremaining, his joy was turned into grief, and he could dertakers of the work answerable for events which not forbear weeping at the uncertainty and instability do not in the least depend upon the power of man, he of human things. He might have found another sub-ordered all those persons to have their heads struck ject of reflection, which would have more justly merited his tears and affliction, had he turned his thoughts upon himself, and considered the reproaches he deserved for being the instrument of shortening that fatal term to millions of people, whom his cruel ambition was going to sacrifice in an unjust and unnecessary

war.

Artabanes, who neglected no opportunity of making himself useful to the young prince, and of instilling into him sentiments of goodness for his people, took advantage of this moment, in which he found him touched with a sense of tenderness and humanity, and led him into farther reflections upon the miseries with which the lives of most men are attended, and which render them so painful and unhappy; endeavouring at the same time to make him sensible of the duty and obligation of princes, who, not being able to prolong the natural life of their subjects, ought at least to do all that lies in their power to alleviate the troubles and allay the bitterness of it.

In the same conversation Xerxes asked his uncle

Midas, king of Phrygia.

Herod, 1. vii. c. 38, 39. Sen. de irâ, 1. iii, c. 17.
Herod, l. vü. c. 30–32.
Ibid. c. 44. 46.

off, that had been charged with the direction and management of that undertaking.

Xerxess commanded two other bridges to be built, one for the army to pass over, and the other for the baggage and beasts of burden. He appointed work. men more able and expert than the former, who went about it in this manner:-they placed 360 vessels across, some of them having three banks of oars, and others fifty oars apiece, with their sides turned towards the Euxine sea; and on the side that faced the Ægean sea, they put 314. They then cast large an chors into the water on both sides, in order to fix and secure all these vessels against the violence of the winds, and against the current of the water. On the east side they left three passages or vacant spaces between the vessels, that there might be room for small boats to go and come easily, as there was occasion, to and from the Euxine sea. After this, upon the land on both sides, they drove large piles into the earth, with huge rings fastened to them, to which were tied

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Thus, when Xerxes arrived at Thermopyla, his land and sea forces together made up the number of 2,641,610 men, without including servants, eunuchs, women, sutlers, and other people of that sort, which usually follow an army, and whose number at this time was equal to that of the forces: so that the whole number of those that followed Xerxes in this putation which Herodotus makes of them, and in which Plutarch and Isocrates agree with him. Diodorus, Siculus, Pliny, Elian,3 and others, fall very short of this number in their calculation; but their accounts of the matter appear to be less authentic than that of Herodotus, who lived in the same age in which this expedition was made, and who repeats the inscription engraved, by the order of the Amphictyons, upon the monument of those Grecians who were killed at Thermopyla, which expressed that they fought against 3,000,000 of men.

six vast cables, which went over each of the two bridges; two of which cables were made of hemp, and four of a sort of reeds called Biẞlos, which were made use of in those times for the making of cordage. Those that were made of hemp must have been of an extraordinary strength and thickness, since every cubit of those cables weighed a talent. The cables laid over the whole extent of the vessels lengthwise, reach-expedition, amounted to 5,283,220. This is the comed from one side to the other of the sea. When this part of the work was finished, quite over the vessels from side to side, and over the cables we have been speaking of, they laid the trunks of trees, cut purposely for that use, and planks again over them, fastened and joined together, to serve as a kind of floor or solid bottom; all which they covered over with earth, and added rails or battlements on each side, that the horses and cattle might not be frightened at seeing the sea in their passage. This was the mode of constructing those famous bridges built by Xerxes.

When the whole work was completed, a day was appointed for their passing over. And as soon as the first rays of the sun began to appear, sweet odours of all kinds were abundantly spread over both of the bridges, and the way was strewed with myrtle. At the same time Xerxes poured out libations into the sea, and turning his face towards the sun, the principal object of the Persian worship, he implored the assistance of that god in the enterprise he had undertaken, and desired the continuance of his protection till he had made the entire conquest of Europe, and had brought it into subjection to his power; this done, he threw the vessel which he had used in making his libations, together with a golden cup and a Persian scimitar, into the sea. The army was seven days and seven nights in passing over these straits; those who were appointed to conduct the march, lashing the poor soldiers all the while with whips, in order to quicken their speed, according to the custom of that nation, which, properly speaking, was only a huge assembly of slaves.

For the sustenance of all these persons, there must be every day consumed, according to Herodotus's computation, above 110,340 medimni of flour (the medimnus was a measure which, according to Budæus, was equivalent to six of our bushels,) allowing for every head the quantity of a choenix, which was the daily allowance that masters gave their slaves among the Grecians. We have no account in history of any other army so numerous as this. And amongst all these millions of men, there is not one that could vie with Xerxes in point of beauty, either for the comeliness of his face, or the tallness of his person. But this is a poor merit or pre-eminence for a prince, when attended with no other. Accordingly Justin, after he has mentioned the number of these troops, adds, that this vast body of forces wanted a chief: Huic tanto agmini dux defuit.

We should hardly be able to conceive how it was possible to find a sufficient quantity of provisions for such an immense number of persons, if the historians had not informed us, that Xerxes had employed four whole years in making preparations for this expedi

SECTION III.-ENUMERATION OF XERXES'S FORCES. tion. We have seen already how many vessels of

DEMARATUS DELIVERS HIS SENTIMENTS FREELY UP-
ON THAT PRINCE'S ENTERPRISE.

XERXES, directing his march across the Thracian Chersonesus, arrived at Doriscus, a city standing at the mouth of the Hebrus, in Thrace; where, having encamped his army, and given orders for his fleet to follow him along the shore, he reviewed them both.

He found the land army which he had brought out of Asia, consisted of 1,700,000 foot, and 80,000 horse, which, with 20,000 men that were absolutely necessary at least for conducting and taking care of the carriages and the camels, made in all 1,800,000 men. When he had passed the Hellespont, the nations that submitted to him made an addition to his army of 300,000 men, which made all his land forces together amount to 2,100,000 men.

His fleet, when it set out from Asia, consisted of 1207 vessels of war, all of three banks of oars. Each vessel carried 200 men, natives of the country, that fitted them out, besides thirty more, that were either Persians or Medes, or of the Saca; which made in all, 277,610 men. The European nations augmented his fleet with 120 vessels each of which carried 200 men; in all, 24,000; these, added to the others, amounted together to 301,610 men.

Besides this fleet, which consisted all of large vessels, the small galleys of thirty and fifty oars, the transport ships, the vessels that carried the provisions, and that were employed in other uses, amounted to 3000. If we reckon but eighty men in each of these vessels, one with another, that made in the whole 240,000 men.

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burden there were, that coasted along continually to attend upon, and supply, the land army; and doubtless there were fresh ones arriving every day, that furnished the camp with a sufficient plenty of all things necessary.

Herodotuse acquaints us with the method of which they made use to calculate these forces, which were almost innumerable. They assembled 10,000 men in a particular place, and ranked them as close together as was possible; after which they described a circle quite round them, and erected a little wall upon that circle, about half the height of a man's body: when this was done, they made the whole army successively pass through this space, and thereby knew to what number it amounted.

Herodotus gives us also a particular account of the different armour of all the nations that constituted this army. Besides the generals of every nation, who each of them commanded the troops of their respective country, the land army was under the command of six Persian generals; viz. Mardonius, the son of Gobryas; Tirintatechmes, the son of Artabanes, and Smerdones, son to Otanes, both near relations to the king; Masistes, son of Darius and Atossa; Gergis, son of Ariazes; and Megabyzus, son of Zopyrus. The 10,000 Persians who were called the Immortal Band, were commanded by Hydarnes. The cavalry had its particular commanders.

There were likewise four Persian generals who commanded the fleet. In Herodotus? we have a particular account of all the nations by which it was fitted out. Artemesia, queen of Halicarnassus, who since

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VOL. I.-28

NIANS SEND TO THEIR ALLIES TO REQUIRE SUCCOURS
FROM THEM, BUT TO NO PURPOSE. THE COMMAND
OF THE FLEET GIVEN TO THE LACEDÆMONIANS.

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the death of her husband governed the kingdom for | SECTION IV. THE LACEDEMONIANS AND ATHEher son, that was still a minor, brought but five vessels along with her; but they were the best equipped, and the lightest ships in the whole fleet, next to those of the Sidonians. This princess distinguished herself in this war by her singular courage, and still more by her prudence and conduct. Herodotus observes, that among all the commanders in the army, there was not one who gave Xerxes so good advice and such wise counsel as this queen; but he was not prudent enough to profit by it.

LACEDEMON and Athens, which were the two most powerful cities of Greece, and those against which Xerxes was most exasperated, were not indolent or asleep whilst so formidable an enemy was approaching. Having received intelligence long before of the designs of this prince, they had sent spies to Sardis, in order to gain more exact information as to the number and quality of his forces. These spies were seized, and as they were just going to be put to death, Xerxes countermanded it, and gave orders that they should be conducted through his army, and then be sent back without any harm being done them. At their return, the Grecians understood what they had to apprehend from so potent an enemy.

They sent deputies at the same time to Argos, into Sicily to Gelon, tyrant of Syracuse, to the isles of Corcyra and Crete, to desire succours from them, and to form a league against the common enemy.

When Xerxes had numbered his whole forces by land and sea, he asked Demaratus if he thought the Grecians would dare to wait for him. I have already taken notice, that this Demaratus was one of the two kings of Sparta, who being exiled by the faction of his enemies, had taken refuge at the Persian court, where he was entertained with the greatest marks of honour and beneficence. As the courtiers were one day expressing their surprise, that a king should suffer himself to be banished, and desired him to acquaint them with the reason of it, "It is," says he, because at Sparta the law is more powerful than the The people of Argos offered a very considerable kings." This prince was very much esteemed in succour, on condition that they should have an equal Persia; but neither the injustice of the Spartan citi- share of the authority and command with the Lacedæzens, nor the kind treatment of the Persian king, could monians. The latter consented, that the king of Ar make him forget his country. As soon as he knew gos should have the same authority as either of the that Xerxes was making preparations for the war, he two kings of Sparta. This was granting them a found means to give the Grecians secret intelligence great deal: but into what errors and mischiefs are of it. And now, being obliged on this occasion to not men led by a mistaken point of honour, and a speak his sentiments, he did it with such a nobe free-foolish jealousy of command! The Argives were not dom and dignity, as became a Spartan, and a king of contented with this offer, and refused to assist the Sparta. allied Grecians, without considering, that if they suffered them to be destroyed, their own ruin must inevitably follow that of Greece.

The deputies proceeded from Argus to Sicily," and addressed themselves to Gelon, who was the most potent prince at that time among the Greeks. He promised to assist them with 200 vessels of three benches of oars, with an army of 20,000 foot and 2000 horse, 2000 light-armed soldiers, and the same number of bowmen and slingers, and to supply the Grecian army with provisions during the whole war, on condition they would make him generalissimo of all the forces both by land and sea. The Lacedæmonians were highly offended at such a proposal. Gelon then abated somewhat in his demands, and promised the same, provided he had at least the command either of the fleet or of the army. This proposal was strenuously opposed by the Athenians, who made answer, that they alone had a right to command the fleet, in case the Lacedæmonians were willing to give it up. Gelon had a more substantial reason for not leaving Sicily unprovided with troops, which was the approach of the formidable army of the Carthaginians, commanded by Amilcar, that consisted of 300,000 men.

Demaratus, before he answered the king's question, desired to know whether it was his pleasure that he should flatter him, or that he should speak his thoughts to him freely and sincerely. Xerxes having declared, that he desired him to act with the utmost sincerity, "Great prince," says Demaratus, " since it is agreeable to your pleasure and commands, I shall deliver my sentiments to you with the utmost truth and sincerity. It must be confessed, that from the beginning of time Greece has been trained up and accustomed to poverty; but then she has introduced and established virtue within her territories, which wisdom cultivates, and the vigour of her laws maintains. And it is by the use which Greece knows how to make of this virtue, that she defends herself equally against the inconveniences of poverty and the yoke of servitude. But, to speak only of the Lacedæmonians, my particular countrymen, you may assure yourself, that as they are born and bred up in liberty, they will never hearken to any proposals that tend to slavery. Though they were deserted and abandoned by all the other Grecians, and reduced to a band of a thousand men, or even to a more inconsiderable number, they will still come out to meet you, and not refuse to give you battle." Xerxes, upon hearing this discourse, fell a laughing; and as he could not comprehend how men in such a state of liberty and independence as the Lacedæmonians were described to enjoy, who had no master to force and compel them to it, could be capable of exposing themselves in such a manner to danger and death; Demaratus replied, "The Spartans in-side of the conquerror. deed are free, and under no subjection to the will of any man; but at the same time they have laws, to which they are subject, and of which they stand in greater awe than your subjects do of your majesty. Now by these laws they are forbidden ever to fly in battle, let the number of their enemies be never so superior; and are commanded, by abiding firm in their post, either to conquer or to die."

Xerxes was not offended at the liberty wherewith Demaratus spoke to him, and continued his march.

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The inhabitants of Corcyra,s now called Corfu, gave the envoys a favourable answer, and immediately put to sea with a fleet of sixty vessels. But they advanced no farther than the coasts of Laconia, pretending they were hindered by contrary winds, but in reality waiting to see the success of an engagement that they might afterwards range themselves on the

The people of Crete,9 having consulted the Delphic oracle, to know what resolution they were to take on this occasion, absolutely refused to enter into the league.

Thus were the Lacedæmonians and Athenians left almost to themselves, 10 all the rest of the cities and nations having submitted to the heralds that Xerxes had sent to require earth and water of them, excepting the people of Thespia and of Platæ. In so pressing a danger,11 their first care was to put an end to all discord and division among themselves; for

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war.

was so far from opposing the decree for that purpose, that he promoted it with all his influence and authority. The hatred and division of these great men had nothing of that implacable, bitter, and outrageous spirit which prevailed among the Romans in the later times of the republic. The danger of the state was the cause of their reconciliation, and when their services were necessary to the preservation of the public, they laid aside all their jealousy and rancour: and we shall see by the sequel, that Aristides was so far from secretly thwarting his former rival, that he zealously contributed to the success of his enterprises, and to the advancement of his glory.

which reason the Athenians made peace with the people of Egina, with whom they were actually at Their next care was to appoint a general, for there never was any occasion wherein it was more necessary to choose one, who was capable of so important a trust, than in the present conjuncture, when Greece was upon the point of being attacked by the forces of all Asia. The most able and experienced captains, terrified at the greatness of the danger, had taken the resolution of not presenting themselves as candidates. There was a certain citizen at Athens, whose name was Epicydes, that had some eloquence, but in other respects was a person of no merit, was in disreputa- The alarm increased in Greece, in proportion as tion for his want of courage, and notorious for his they received advice that the Persian army advanced. avarice. Notwithstanding all which it was appre- If the Athenians and Lacedæmonians had been able hended that in the assembly of the people the votes to make no other resistance than with their land forces, would run in his favour. Themistocles, who was Greece had been utterly ruined and reduced to slavery. sensible, that? in calm weather almost any mariner This exigence taught them how to set a right value may be capable of conducting a vessel, but that in upon the prudent foresight of Themistocles, who upon storms and tempests the most able pilots are at a loss, some other pretext had caused 100 galleys to be built. was convinced, that the commonwealth was ruined, Instead of judging like the rest of the Athenians, who if Epicydes was chosen general, whose venal and looked upon the victory of Marathon as the end of the mercenary soul gave them the justest reason to fear, war, he on the contrary considered it rather as the bethat he was not proof against the Persian gold. There ginning, and as the signal of still greater battles, for are occasions, when, in order to act wisely (I had which it was necessary to prepare the Athenian people; almost said regularly,) it is necessary to dispense with and from that very time he began to think of raising and rise above all rule. Themistocles, who knew very Athens to a superiority over Sparta, which for a long well that in the present state of affairs he was the time had been the mistress of all Greece. With this only person capable of commanding, did for that rea- view he judged it expedient to direct all the strength son make no scruple of employing bribes and presents of Athens entirely towards naval affairs, perceiving to remove his competitor; and having found means very plainly that as she was so weak by land, she had to make the ambition of Epicydes amends, by gratify- no other way to render herself necessary to her allies or ing his avarice, he got himself elected general in his formidable to her enemies. His advice prevailed in stead. We may here, I think, very justly apply to spite of the opposition of Miltiades, whose difference Themistocles, what Livy says of Fabius, on a like of opinion undoubtedly arose from the little probaoccasion. This great commander finding, when bility there was, that a people entirely unacquainted Hannibal was in the heart of Italy, that the people with fighting at sea, and who were capable of fitting were going to make a man of no merit consul, employ-out, and arming only very small vessels, should be ed all his own influence, as well as that of his friends, to be continued in the consulship, without being concerned at the clamour that might be raised against him; and he succeeded in the attempt. The historian adds, "The conjuncture of affairs, and the extreme danger to which the commonwealth was exposed, were arguments of such weight, that they prevented any one from being offended at a conduct which might appear to be contrary to rule, and removed all suspicion of Fabius's having acted from any motive of interest or ambition. On the contrary, the public admired his generosity and greatness of soul in that, as he knew the commonwealth had occasion for an accomplished general, and could not be ignorant or doubtful of his own singular merit in that respect, he had chosen rather in some sort to hazard his own reputation, and perhaps expose his character to the reproaches of envious tongues, than to be wanting in any service he could render his country."

The Athenians also passed a decree to recall home all their people that were in banishment.5 They were afraid, lest Aristides should join their enemies, and lest his authority should carry over a great many others to the side of the barbarians. But they were very little acquainted with their citizen, who was infinitely remote from such sentiments. Be that as it may, they thought fit to recall him, and Themistocles

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able to withstand so formidable a power as that of the Persians, who had both a numerous land army and a fleet of above 1000 ships.

The Athenians had some silver mines in a part of Attica called Laurium,6 the whole revenues and product of which used to be distributed amongst them. Themistocles had the courage to propose to the people that they should abolish these distributions, and employ that money in building vessels with three benches of oars, in order to make war upon the people of Egina, against whom he endeavoured to rekindle their ancient jealousy. No people are ever willing to sacrifice their private interests to the general utility of the public; for they seldom have so much generosity or public spirit, as to purchase the welfare of the state at their own expense. The Athenian people, however, did it upon this occasion; moved by the earnest remonstrances of Themistocles, they consented, that the money which arose from the product of the mines, should be employed in the building of 100 galleys. Against the arrival of Xerxes they doubled the number, and to that fleet Greece owed its preservation.

When they came to the point of naming a general for the command of the navy,7 the Athenians who alone had furnished two-thirds of it, laid claim to that honour as appertaining to them, and their pretensions were certainly just and well-grounded. It happened, however, that the suffrages of the allies all concurred in favour of Eurybiades, a Lacedæmonian. Themistocles, though very aspiring after glory, thought it incumbent upon him on this occasion to neglect his own interests for the common good of the nation: and giving the Athenians to understand, that, provided they behaved as valiant men, all the Grecians would quickly desire to confer the command upon them of their own accord, he persuaded them to consent, as he would do himself, to give up that point at present

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