to the Spartans. It may justly be said, that this prudent moderation in Themistocles was another means of saving the state. For the allies threatened to separate themselves from them, if they refused to comply; and if that had happened, Greece must have been inevitably ruined. SECTION V.-THE BATTLE OF THERMOPYLE. In the same country of Thrace,s there was a prince who showed an extraordinary greatness of soul on this occasion: it was the king of the Bisalta. Whilst all the other princes ran into servitude, and basely submitted to Xerxes, he proudly refused to receive his yoke or to obey him. Not being in a condition to resist him with open force, he retired to the top of the THE mountain Rhodope, into an inaccessible place, and forbade all his sons, who were six in number, to carry THE only thing that now remain-arms against Greece. But they, either through fear A. M. 3524. ed to be discussed, was to know in of Xerxes, or through a curiosity to see so important Ant. J. C. 480. what place they should resolve to a war, followed the Persians, in contradiction to their meet the Persians, in order to dis- father's injunction. On their return home, their father, pute their entrance into Greece. The people of Thes- to punish so direct a disobedience, condemned all his saly represented, that as they were the most exposed, his march through Thrace, Macedonia, and Thessons to have their eyes put out. Xerxes continued and likely to be first attacked by the enemy, it was but reasonable, that their defence and security, on which saly, every thing giving way before him till he came the safety of all Greece so much depended, should to the strait of Thermopyla. first be provided for; without which they should be obliged to take other measures, that would be contrary to their inclination, but yet absolutely necessary, in case their country was left unprotected and defenceless. It was hereupon resolved, that 10,000 men should be sent to guard the passage which separates Macedonia from Thessaly near the river Peneus, between the mountains Olympus and Ossa. But Alexander, the son of Amyntas, king of Macedonia, having given them to understand, that if they waited for the Persians in that place they must inevitably be overpowered by their numbers, they retired to Thermopyla. The Thessalians finding themselves thus abandoned, without any farther deliberation submitted to the Persians. Thermopyla is a strait or narrow pass of mount Eta,3 between Thessaly and Phocis, only twenty-five feet broad, which therefore might be defended by a small number of forces, and which was the only way through which the Persian land army could enter Achaia, and advance to besiege Athens. This was the place where the Grecian army thought fit to wait for the enemy: the person who commanded it was Leonidas, one of the two kings of Sparta. Xerxes in the mean time was upon his march :4 he had given orders for his fleet to follow him along the coast, and to regulate their motions according to those of the land army. Wherever he came he found provision and refreshment prepared beforehand, pursuant to the orders he had sent; and every city he arrived at gave him a magnificent entertainment, which cost immense sums of money. The vast expense of these treats gave occasion to a witty saying of a certain citizen of Abdera in Thrace, who, when the king was gone, said, they ought to thank the gods, that he ate but one meal a day. 1 Herod. l. vii. c. 172, 173. [Pass of Thermopyle.-The appellation, Thermopyla, means the pass of the Hot-springs. Beyond the fountain, where the Spartans were combing their hair when seen by the spy despatched to observe their motions by Xerxes, to the north is an extensive bog or fen, through which a narrow paved causeway offers the only approach to southern Greece. It is bordered on either side by a deep and impracticable morass; and it is further bounded by the sea towards the east, and the precipices of Mount Eta to the west. Here is situated the Turkish Dervene, or barrier, upon a small narrow stone bridge, marking the most impor tant point of the whole passage, as it is still occupied by sentinels as in ancient times, and is therefore, even now, considered as the Pyle of the southern provinces. The Tumulus, erected as a monument over the bodies of the Spartans who were slain with the brave Leonidas in defending this pass, still exists, placed on the very top of the eminence to which the Greeks retired: "and there," says Herodotus, "is the Tumulus, at the entrance of the defile, where now stands the stone lion, sacred to Leonidas.” This eminence overlooks the narrowest and steepest part of the defile. This Tumulus is a conical mound of earth, covered with the broken remains of a massive square pedestal, which served as a foundation for some monument, perhaps the stone lion mentioned above.] Herod. L. vii. c. 175, 177. Ibid. c. 108. 132. One cannot see, without the utmost astonishment, what a handful of troops the Grecians opposed to the innumerable army of Xerxes. We find a particular account of their numbers in Pausanias. All their of which number 4000 only were employed at Therforces joined together, amounted only to 11,200 men ; mopyla to defend the pass. But these soldiers, adds the historian, were all determined to a man either to conquer or die. And what is it that such an army cannot effect? When Xerxes advanced near the straits of Ther mopyla, he was strangely surprised to find that they were determined to dispute his passage. He had always flattered himself, that on the first hearing of his arrival, the Grecians would betake themselves to flight; nor could he ever be persuaded to believe, what Demaratus had told him from the beginning of his project, that at the first pass he came to, he would find his whole army stopped by a handful of men. He sent out a spy before him to view the enemy. The spy brought him word, that he found the Lacedæmonians out of their intrenchments, and that they were diverting themselves with military exercises, and combing their hair: this was the Spartan manner of preparing themselves for battle. Xerxes, still entertaining some hopes, waited four days on purpose to give them time to retreat. And in this interval of time he used his utmost endeavours to gain Leonidas,s by making him magnificent promises, and assuring him that he would make him master of all Greece, if he would come over to his party. Leonidas rejected his proposal with scorn and indignation. Xerxes having afterwards written to him to deliver up his arms, Leonidas, in a style and spirit truly laconical, answered him in two words; Come and take them. Nothing remained, but to prepare to engage the Lacedæmonians. Xerxes first commanded his Median forces to march against them, with orders to take them all alive and bring them to him. The Medes were not able to stand the charge of the Grecians; and being shamefully put to flight, they showed, says Herodotus,10 that Xerxes had a great many men, but few soldiers. The next that were sent to face the Spartans, were those Persians called the Immortal Band, which consisted of 10,000 men, and were the best troops in the whole army. But these had no better success than the former. Xerxes, despairing of being able to force his way through troops so determined to conquer or die, was extremely perplexed, and could not tell what resolution to take; when an inhabitant of the country came to him, and discovered a secret path,11 leading to an eminence, which overlooked and commanded the Spar- | were secretly made, and covered over afterwards with tan forces. He quickly despatched a detachment earth and herbs. This stratagem succeeded very ill: thither, which, marching all night, arrived there at the for when the soldiers in his fleet, being curious to see break of day, and possessed themselves of that ad- the field of battle, obtained leave to come thither for vantageous post. that purpose, it served rather to discover his own littleness of soul, than to conceal the number of the slain. Dismayed with a victory that had cost him so dear, he asked Demaratus, if the Lacedæmonians had yet many such soldiers. That prince told him, that the Spartan republic had a great many cities belonging to it, of which all the inhabitants were exceedingly brave; but that those of Lacedæmon, who were properly called Spartans, and who were 8000 in number, surpassed all the rest in valour, and were all of them such as those who had fought under Leonidas. I return for an instant to the battle of Thermopyla, the issue of which, fatal in appearance, might make an impression upon the minds of the readers to the disadvantage of the Lacedæmonians, and occasion their courage to be looked upon as the effect of a presumptuous temerity, or a desperate resolution. The Greeks were soon apprised of this misfortune; and Leonidas, seeing that it was now impossible to withstand the enemy, obliged the rest of the allies to retire, but stayed himself with his 300 Lacedæmonians, all resolved to die with their leader, who being told by the oracle, that either Lacedæmon or her king must necessarily perish, determined, without the least hesitation, to sacrifice himself for his country. The Spartans lost all hopes either of conquering or escaping, and looked upon Thermopylæ as their burying place. The king, exhorting his men to take some nourishment, and telling them at the same time, that they should sup together with Pluto, they set up a shout of joy as if they had been invited to a banquet, and full of ardour advanced with their king to battle. The shock was exceedingly violent and bloody. Leonidas was one of the first that fell. The endeavours of the Lacedæmonians to defend his dead body were That action of Leonidas, with his 300 Spartans, incredible. At length, not vanquished, but oppressed was not the effect of rashness or despair, but was a by numbers, they all fell, except one man, who escap-wise and noble conduct, as Diodorus Siculus,5 has ed to Sparta, where he was treated as a coward' and taken care to observe, in his magnificent encomium traitor to his country, and nobody would keep com- upon that famous engagement, to which he ascribes the pany or converse with him; but soon afterwards he success of all the ensuing campaigns. Leonidas made glorious amends for his fault at the battle of knowing that Xerxes was marching at the head of all Platea, where he distinguished himself in an extraor- the forces of the East, in order to overwhelm and dinary manner. Xerxes, enraged to the last degree crush a little country by the dint of numbers, rightly against Leonidas for daring to make head against conceived, from the superiority of his genius and unhim, caused his dead body to be hung on a gallows; derstanding, that if they pretended to make the suc and while he intended dishonour to his enemy covered cess of that war consist in opposing force to force, himself with disgrace. and numbers to numbers, all the Grecian nations together would never be able to equal the Persians, or to dispute the victory with them; that it was therefore necessary to point out to Greece another means of safety and preservation, whilst she was under these alarms; and that they ought to show the whole universe, who had all their eyes upon them, what may be done, when greatness of mind is opposed to force of body, true courage and bravery against blind impetuosity, the love of liberty against tyrannical oppression, and a few disciplined veteran troops against a confused multitude, though never so numerous. These brave Lacedæmonians thought it became them, who were the choicest soldiers of the chief people of Greece, to devote themselves to certain death, in order to make the Persians sensible how difficult it is to reduce free men to slavery, and to teach the rest of Greece, by their example, either to conquer or to perish. Some time after these transactions, by order of the Amphictyons, a magnificent monument was erected at Thermopylæ in honour of these brave defenders of Greece; and upon the monument were two inscriptions; one of which was general, and related to all those that died at Thermopyla, importing that the Greeks of Peloponnesus, to the number only of 4000, nad made head against the Persian army, which consisted of 3,000,000 of men: the other related to the Spartans in particular. It was composed by the poet Simonides, and is very remarkable for its simplicity. it is as follows: Τα ξεῖν', ἄγγειλον Λακεδαιμονίοις, ὅτι τῇδε Κείωεθα, τοῖς κείνων πειθόμενοι νομίμοις. That is to say: Go, passenger, and tell at Lacedæmon, that we died here in obedience to her sacred laws. Forty years afterwards, Pausanias, who obtained the victory of Platææ, caused the bones of Leonidas to be carried from Thermopyla to Sparta, and erected a magnificent monument to his memory near which was likewise another erected for Pausanias. Every year at these tombs was a funeral oration pronounced in nonour of these heroes, and public games celebrated, at which none but Lacedæmonians had a right to be present; in order to show, that they alone were concerned in the glory obtained at Thermopylæ. Xerxes in that affair lost above 20,000 men,3 among whom were two of the king's brothers. He was very sensible that so great a loss, which was a manifest proof of the courage of their enemies, was capable of alarming and discouraging his soldiers. In order therefore to conceal the knowledge of it from them, he caused all his men that were killed in that action, except 1000, whose bodies he ordered to be left upon the field, to be thrown together into large holes, which mopyla by means of the same by-path, which the Grecians had still neglected to secure. Pausan. 1. i. p. 7, 8. 1 Herod. l. vii, c. 238. Pari animo Lacedæmonii in Thermopylis occiderunt m quos Simonides; Dic, hospes, Sparta nos te hic vidisse jacentes, *Herod, I viii. c. 24, 25. These sentiments do not originate from my own invention, nor do I ascribe them to Leonidas without foundation: they are plainly comprised in that short answer, which that worthy king of Sparta made to a certain Lacedæmonian; who, being astonished at the generous resolution the king had taken, spoke to him in this manner: "Is it possible then, sir, that you can think of marching with a handful of men against such a mighty and innumerable army?"-"If we are to reckon upon numbers," replied Leonidas, "all the people of Greece together would not be sufficient, since a small part of the Persian army is equal to all her inhabitants: but if we are to reckon upon valour, my little troop is more than sufficient." The event showed the justness of this prince's sentiments. That illustrious example of courage astonished the Persians, and gave new spirit and vigour to the Greeks. The lives then of this heroic leader and his brave troop were not thrown away, but usefully employed; and their death was attended with a double effect, more great and lasting than they themselves had imagined. On one hand, it was in a manner the seed of their ensuing victories, which made the Persians for ever after lay aside all thoughts of attacking Greece; so that during the seven or eight succeeding reigns, there was neither any prince who durst entertain such a design, nor any flatterer in his court who durst propose the plan to him. On the other hand, such a signal and exemplary instance of intrepidity made an indelible impression upon all the rest of the Grecians, and left a persuasion deeply rooted in their hearts, that they were able to subdue the Persians, and subvert their vast empire. Cimon was the man who made the first attempt of that kind with success. Agesilaus afterwards pushed that design so far that he made the great king tremble in his palace at Susa. Alexander at last accomplised it with incredible facility. He never had the least doubt, any more than the Macedonians who followed him, or the whole country of Greece that chose him general in that expedition, but that with 30,000 men he could overturn the Persian empire, since 300 Spartans had been sufficient to check the united forces of the whole East. SECTION VI.-NAVAL BATTLE NEAR ARTEMISIUM. THE very same day on which the glorious action at Thermopyla took place, there was also an engagement at sea between the two fleets. That of the Grecians, exclusive of the little galleys and small boats, consisted of 271 vessels. This fleet had lain by near Artemisium, a promontory of Euboea upon the northren coast towards the straits. That of the enemy, which was much more numerous, was near the same place, but had lately suffered in a violent tempest, that had destroyed above 400 of their vessels. Notwithstanding this loss, as it was still vastly superior in number to that of the Grecians, which they were preparing to attack, they detatched 200 of their vessels, with orders to wait about Euboea, to the end that none of the enemy's vessels might be able to escape them. The Grecians having got intelligence of this, immediately set sail in the night, in order to attack that detachment at day-break the next morning. But not meeting with it, they went towards the evening and fell upon the bulk of the enemy's fleet, which they treated very roughly. Night coming on, they were obliged to separate, and both parties retired to their post. But the very night that parted them, proved more pernicious to the Persians than the engagement which preceded, from a violent storm of wind, accompanied with rain and thunder, which distressed and harassed their vessels till break of day: and the 200 ships also, that had been detached from their fleet, were almost all cast away upon the coasts of Euboea; it being the will of the gods, says Herodotus, that the two fleets should become very near equal. The Athenians having the same day received a reinforcement of fifty-three vessels, the Grecians, who were apprised of the wreck that had befallen part of the enemy's fleet, fell upon the ships of the Cilicians at the same hour they had attacked the fleet the day before, and sunk a great number of them. The Persians, being ashamed to see themselves thus insulted by an enemy that was so much inferior in number, thought fit the next day to appear first in a disposition to engage. The battle was very obstinate, and the success pretty near equal on both sides, excepting that the Persians, who were incommoded by the largeness and number of their vessels, sustained much the greater loss. Both parties however retired in good order. All these actions,2 which passed near Artemisium, were not absolutely decisive, but contributed very much to animate the Athemians, as they were convinced, by their own experience, that there was nothing really formidable, either in the number and magnificent ornaments of the vessels, or in the barbarians' insolent shouts and songs of victory, to men that know how to come to close engagement, and Herod. 1. viii. c. 1-18. Diod. 1. xi. p. 10, 11. * Plut. in Thermist. p. 115, 117. Herod. l. viii. c. 21, 22. that have the courage to fight with steadiness and resolution; and that the best way of dealing with such an enemy, is to despise all that vain appearance, to advance boldly up to them, and to charge them briskly and vigorously without ever giving ground. The Grecian fleet having at this time had intelligence of what had passed at Thermopyla, resolved upon the course they were to take without any farther deliberation. They immediately sailed away from Artemisium, and advancing towards the heart of Greece, they stopped at Salamis, a little isle very near and over-against Attica. Whilst the fleet was retreating, Themistocles passed through all the places where the enemy must necessarily land, in order to take in fresh water or other provisions, and in large characters engraved upon the rocks and the stones the following words, which he addressed to the Ionians; "Be of our side, ye people of Ionia: come over to the party of your fathers, who expose their own lives for no other end than to maintain your liberty; or, if you cannot possibly do that, at least do the Persians all the mischief you can, when we are engaged with them, and put their army into disorder and confusion." By this means Themistocles hoped either to bring the Ionians really over to their party," or at least to render them suspected to the barbarians. We see this general had his thoughts always intent upon his business, and neglected nothing that could contribute to the success of his designs. SECTION VII.-THE ATHENIANS ABANDON THEIR CITY, WHICH IS TAKEN AND BURNT BY XERXES. XERXES in the mean time had entered into the country of Phocis by the upper part of Doris, and was burning and plundering the cities of the Phocians. The inhabitants of Peloponnesus having no thoughts but to save their own country, had resolved to abandon all the rest, and to bring all the Grecian forces together within the isthmus, the entrance of which they intended to secure by a strong wall from one sea to the other, a space of near five miles English. The Athenians were highly provoked at so base a desertion, as they saw themselves ready to fall into the hands of the Persians, and likely to bear the whole weight of their fury and vengeance. Some time before they had consulted the oracle of Delphi, which had given them for answer, that there would be no way of saving the city but by wooden walls. The sentiments of the people were much divided about this ambiguous expression; some thought it was to be understood to mean the citadel, because heretofore it had been surrounded with wooden palisadoes. But Themistocles gave another sense to the words which was much more natural, understanding it to mean shipping; and demonstrated that the only plan they had to adopt was to leave the city empty, and to embark all the inhabitants. But this was a resolution the people would not at all give ear to, as thinking they thereby relinquished every hope of victory, and seeing no method of saving themselves, when once they had abandoned the temples of their gods and the tombs of their ancestors. Here Themistocles had occasion for all his address and all his eloquence to work upon the people. After he had represented to them that Athens did not consist either of its walls, or its houses, but of its citizens, and that the saving of these was the preservation of the city, he endeavoured to persuade them by the argument most capable of making an impression upon them in the unhappy, afflicted, and dangerous condition they were then in, I mean that of the divine authority; giving them to understand, by the very words of the oracle, and by the prodigies which had happened, that their removing for a time from Athens was manifestly the will of the gods. A decree was therefore passed, by which, in order to soften what appeared so hard in the resolution of mal was said to be buried, which was called the dog's deserting the city, it was ordained, "that Athens | burying-ground. should be given up in trust into the hands, and committed to the keeping and protection, of Minerva, patroness of the Athenian people; that all such inhabitants as were able to bear arms, should go on shipboard; and that every citizen should provide, as well as he could, for the safety and security of his wife, children, and slaves." While Xerxes was continuing his march,3 some deserters from Arcadia came and joined his army. The king having asked them what the Grecians were then doing, was extremely surprised when he was told, that they were employed in seeing the games and combats then celebrating at Olympia: and his surprise was still increased, when he understood that the victor's reward in those engagements was only a crown of olive. What men must they be, cried one of the Persian nobles with great wonder and astonishment, who are influenced only by honour, and not by money! The extraordinary behaviour of Cimon, who was at this time very young, was of great weight on this singular occasion. Followed by his companions, with a gay and cheerful countenance, he went publicly along the street of the Ceramicus to the citadel, in order to consecrate a bit of a bridle, which he carried in his hand in the temple of Minerva, designing to make the people understand by this religious and affecting ceremony, that they had no farther business with land forces, and that it behoved them now to betake them-lieve Herodotus and Diodorus Siculus, as soon as ever selves entirely to the sea. After he had made an offering of this bit, he took one of the shields that hung upon the wall of the temple, paid his devotions to the goddess, went down to the water-side, and was the first, who by his example inspired the generality of the people with confidence and resolution, and encouraged them to embark. The greater part of them sent their fathers and methers, that were old, together with their wives and children, to the city of Trazene, the inhabitants of which received them with great humanity and generosity. For they made an ordinance that they should be maintained at the expense of the public, and assigned for each person's subsistence two oboli a day, which were worth about two-pence English money. Besides this, they permitted the children to gather fruit wherever they pleased, or wherever they came, and settled a fund for the payment of the masters, who had the care of their education. How beautiful is it to see a city, exposed as this was to the greatest dangers and calamities, extend her care and generosity, in the very midst of such alarms, even to the education of other people's children! When the whole city came to embark, so moving and melancholy a spectacle drew tears from the eyes of all that were present, and at the same time occasioned great admiration of the steadiness and courage of those men, who sent their fathers and mothers another way and to other places, and who, without being moved either at their grief or lamentations, or at the tender embraces of their wives and children, passed over with so much firmness and resolution to Salamis. But that which extremely raised and augmented the general compassion, was the great number of old men, whom they were forced to leave in the city on account of their age and infirmities, and of whom many voluntarily remained there, through religious motives, believing the citadel to be the thing meant by the oracle in the forementioned ambiguous expression of wooden walls. There was no creature (for history has judged this circumstance worthy of being remembered,) there was no creature, I say, even to the very domestic animals, but what took a part in this public mourning; nor was it possible for a man to see these poor creatures run howling and crying after their masters, who were going on board ship, without being touched and affected. Among all the rest of these animals, particular notice is taken of a dog belonging to Xanthippus, the father of Pericles, which, not being able to endure to see himself abandoned by his master, jumped into the sea after him, and continued swimming as near as he could to the vessel his master was on board of, till he landed quite spent at Salamis, and died the moment after upon the shore. In the same place, even in Plutarch's time, they used to show the spot wherein this faithful ani Xerxes had sent off a considerable detachment of his army to plunder the temple at Delphi,* in which he knew there were immense treasures, being resolved to treat Apollo with no more favour than the other gods, whose temples he had pillaged. If we may bethis detachment advanced near the temple of Minerva, surnamed the Provident, the atmosphere grew dark on a sudden, and a violent tempest arose, accompanied with impetuous winds, thunder, and lightning; and two huge rocks having severed themselves from the mountain, fell upon the Persian troops and crushed the greatest part of them. The other part of the army marched towards the PITATE RETURN OF XERXES INTO ASIA. PANEGYRIC Ar this time a division arose among the commanders of the Grecian fleet; and the confederates, in a council of war which was held for that purpose, were of very different sentiments concerning the place for engaging the enemy. Some of them, and indeed the the generalissimo of the fleet, were for having them greater part, at the head of whom was Eurybiades, advance near the Isthmus of Corinth, that they might be nearer the land army, which was posted there to guard that pass under the command of Cleombrotus, Peloponnesus. Others, at the head of whom was TheLeonidas's brother, and more ready for the defence of mistocles, alleged, that it would be betraying their country to abandon so advantageous a post as that of Salamis. And as he supported his opinion with abundance of warmth, Eurybiades lifted up his cane in a menacing manner: Strike, says the Athenian, unmoved at the insult, but hear me; and, continuing his discourse, he proceeded to show of what importance it was to the fleet of the Grecians, whose vessels were Persians, to engage in such a strait as that of Salamis, lighter and much fewer in number than those of the which would render the enemy incapable of using a great part of their forces. Eurybiades, who could not help being surprised at the moderation of Themistocles, acquiesced in his reasons, or at least complied with his opinion, for fear the Athenians, whose ships Herod. 1. viii, c. 26. Ibid. c. 35-39. Diod. L. xi. p. 12. made up above one half of the fleet, should separate | wise, Themistocles, we shall from henceforward lay themselves from the allies, as their generals had taken occasion to insinuate. aside that vain and childish dissension that has hitherto divided us, and strive, with a more noble and useful emulation, which of us shall render the best service to his country, you by commanding and doing the duty of a wise and able captain, and I by obeying your orders, and by assisting you with my person and advice." He then informed him of the army's being surrounded with the ships of the Persians, and warmly exhorted him to give them battle without delay. Themistocles, extremely astonished at such a greatness, was somewhat ashamed that he had suffered himself to be so much excelled by his rival; but, without being ashamed to own it, he promised Aristides, that he would henceforward imitate his generosity, and even exceed it, if it were possible, in the whole of his future conduct. Then, after having imparted to him the stratagem he had contrived to deceive the barbarian, he desired him to go in person to Eurybiades, in order to convince him that there was no other means of safety for them, than to engage the enemy by sea at Salamis; which commission Aristides executed with pleasure and success, for he possessed much influence over that general. A council of war was also held on the side of the Persians, in order to determine whether they should hazard a naval engagement; Xerxes himself was come to the fleet, to take the advice of his captains and officers, who were all unanimous for the battle, because they knew it was agreeable to the king's inclination. Queen Artemisia was the only person who opposed that resolution. She represented the dangerous consequences of coming to blows withness of soul, and such a noble and generous frankpeople much more conversant and more expert in maritime affairs than the Persians; alleging, that the loss of a battle at sea would be attended with the ruin of their land army; whereas, by protracting the war, and approaching Peloponnesus, they would create jealousies and divisions among their enemies, or rather augment the division which already was very prevalent amongst them; that the confederates in that case would not fail to separate from one another, in order to return and defend their respective countries; and that then the king, without difficulty, and almost without striking a stroke, might make himself master of all Greece. This wise advice was not followed, and a battle was resolved upon. Both sides, therefore, prepared themselves for the Xerxes, imputing the ill success of all his former battle. The Grecian fleet consisted of 380 sail of engagements at sea to his own absence, was resolved ships, which in every thing followed the direction and to be witness of this from the top of an eminence, orders of Themistocles. As nothing escaped his vigiwhere he caused a throne to be erected for that pur- lance, and as, like an able commander, he knew how pose. This might have contributed in some measure to improve every circumstance and incident to advanto animate the forces; but there is another much more tage, before he would begin the engagement, he waitsure and effectual mode of doing it, I mean the prince's ed till a certain wind, which rose regularly every day actual presence and example, when he himself shares at a certain hour, and which was entirely contrary to in the danger, and thereby shows himself worthy of the enemy, began to blow. As soon as this wind being the soul and head of a brave and numerous body rose, the signal was given for battle. The Persians, of men ready to die for his service. A prince who who knew that their king had his eyes upon them, has not this sort of fortitude, which nothing can shake, advanced with such courage and impetuosity, as were and which even takes new vigour from danger, may capable of striking an enemy with terror. But the heat nevertheless be endued with other excellent qualities, of the first attack quickly abated when they came to but is by no means proper to command an army. be engaged. Every thing was against them; the wind, No qualification whatsoever can supply the want of which blew directly in their faces; the height and the courage in a general; and the more he labours to show heaviness of their vessels, which could not move nor the appearance of it,2 when he has not the reality, the turn without great difficulty; and even the number of more he discovers his cowardice and fear. There is, their ships, which was so far from being of use to them, it must be owned, a vast difference between a general that it only served to embarrass them in a place so officer, and a common soldier. Xerxes ought not to strait and narrow as that in which they fought; wherehave exposed his person otherwise than became a as, on the side of the Grecians, every thing was done prince; that is to say, as the head, not as the hand; with good order, and without hurry or confusion; beas he whose business it is to direct and give orders, cause every thing was directed by one commander. not as those who are to put them in execution. But The Ionians, whom Themistocles had warned, by to keep himself entirely at a distance from danger, characters engraven upon stones along the coasts of and to act no other part than that of a spectator, was Euboea, to remember from whom they derived their really renouncing the quality and office of a general. original, were the first that betook themselves to flight, Themistocles, knowing that some of the com- and were quickly followed by the rest of the fleet. manders in the Grecian fleet still entertained thoughts Artemisia distinguished herself by incredible efforts of sailing towards the isthmus, contrived to have notice of resolution and courage; so that Xerxes, who saw given covertly to Xerxes, that as the Grecian allies in what manner she had behaved herself, cried out, were now assembled together in one place, it would that the men had behaved like women in this engagebe an easy matter for him to subdue and destroy themment, and that the women had shown the courage of altogether; whereas, if they once separated from one another, as they were going to do, he might never meet with another opportunity so favourable. The king gave into this opinion; and immediately commanded a great number of his vessels to surround Salamis by night, in order to make it impracticable for the Greeks to escape from that post. Nobody among the Grecians perceived that their army was surrounded in this manner.4 Aristides came that night to Egina, where he had some forces under his command, and with very great danger passed through the whole fleet of the enemy. When he came up to Themistocle's tent, he took him aside, and spoke to him in the following manner: "If we are men. The Athenians, being enraged that a woman had dared to appear in arms against them, had promised a reward of 10,000 drachmas to any one that should be able to take her alive; but she had the good fortune to escape their pursuit. If they had taken her, she could have deserved nothing from them but the highest commendations, and the most honourable and generous treatment. The manner in which that queen escaped ought not to be omitted. Seeing herself warmly pursued Herod, 1. viii, c. 84-96. * Οἱ μὲν ἄνδρες γεγόνασι μοι γυναίκες, αἳ δὲ γυναῖκες, ἄνδρες. Artemisia inter primos duces bellum acerrimè ciebat. Quippe, ut in viro muliebrem timorem, ita in muliere virilem audaciam corneres. Justin, l. ii. c. 12. Herod. 1. viii. c. 87, 88. Polyæn. 1. viii. c. 53. * It appears that Artemisia valued herself no less upon stratagem than courage, and at the same time was not very delicate in the choice of the measures she used. It is said |