stopped up with great stones; and history informs us, that the criminal's mother was the first who brought one. They also took off the roof of the chapel, and, as the Ephori did not dare to take him out of it by force, because this would have been a violation of that sacred asylum, they resolved to leave him exposed to the inclemencies of the weather, and accordingly he was starved to death. However, a few minutes before he died, they drew him out of the temple. His corpse was buried not far from that place; but the oracle of Delphi, which they consulted soon after, declared, that to appease the anger of the goddess, who was justly offended on account of the violation of her temple, two statues must be set up there in honour of Pausanias, which was done accordingly. cient evidence to convict him of having carried on a correspondence with Xerxes, they were obliged to acquit him on his first trial; after which he returned of his own private authority, and without the consent and approbation of the republic, to the city of Byzantium, from whence he continued to carry on his secret practices with Artabazus. But, as he was still guilty of many violent and unjust proceedings whilst he resided there, the Athenians obliged him to leave the place; from whence he retired to Colona, a small city of the Troad. There he received an order from the Ephori to return to Sparta, on pain of being declared, in case of disobedience, a public enemy and traitor to his country. He complied with the summons, and went home, hoping he should still be able to bring himself off by dint of money. On his arrival Such was the end of Pausanias, whose wild ambihe was committed to prison, and was soon afterwards tion had stifled in him all sentiments of probity, honour, brought again upon his trial before the judges. The love of his country, zeal for liberty, and of hatred and charge brought against him was supported by many aversion for the barbarians; sentiments which, in suspicious circumstances and strong presumptions. some measure, were innate in all the Greeks, and par Several of his own slaves confessed that he had pro- ticularly in the Lacedæmonians. mised to give them their liberty, in case they would enter into his designs, and serve him with fidelity and SECTION XVI.— zeal in the execution of his projects. But, as it was the custom of the Ephori never to pronounce sentence of death against a Spartan, without a full and direct proof of the crime laid to his charge, they looked upon the evidence against him as insufficient; and the more so, as he was of the royal family, and was actually invested with the adminstration of the regal office; for Pausanias exercised the function of king, as being the guardian and nearest relation to Plistarchus, the son of Leonidas, who was then in his minority. He was therefore acquitted a second time, and set at liberty. Whilst the Ephori were thus perplexed for want of clear and plain evidence against the offender, a certain slave, who was called the Argilian, came to them, and brought them a letter, written by Pausanias himself to the king of Persia, which the slave was to have carried to Artabazus. It must be observed, by the way, that this Persian governor and Pausanias had agreed together, immediately to put to death all the couriers they mutually sent to one another, as soon as their packets or messages were delivered, that there might be no possibility left of tracing out or discovering their correspondence. The Argilian, who saw none of his fellow-servants, that had been sent, return back again, had some suspicion; and when it came to his turn to go, he opened the letter he was entrusted with, in which Artabazus was positively desired to kill him as soon as he delivered it. This was the letter the slave put into the hands of the Ephori; who still thought even this proof insufficient in the eye of the law, and therefore endeavoured to corroborate it by the testimony of Pausanias himself. The slave, in concert with them, withdrew to the temple of Neptune at Tænarus, as to a secure asylum. Two small closets had been purposely made there, in which the Ephori and some Spartans hid themselves. The instant Pausanias was informed that the Argilian had fled to this temple, he hasted thither to inquire the reason. The slave confessed that he had opened the letter; and that finding by the contents of it he was to be put to death, he had fled to that temple to save his life. As Pausanias could not deny the fact, he made the best excuse he could; promised the slave a great reward, and obliged him to engage not to mention what had passed between them to any person whatsoever. Pausanias then left him. Pausanias's guilt was now but too evident. The moment he was returned to the city, the Ephori were resolved to seize him. From the aspect of one of those magistrates, and from a signal which he made him, he plainly perceived that some evil design was meditated against him, and therefore he ran with the utmost speed to the temple of Pallas, called Chalciæcos, near that place, and got into it before the pursuers could overtake him. The entrance was immediately THEMISTOCLES, BEING PROSECUTED BY THE ATHENIANS AND LACEDÆMONIANS, AS AN ACCOMPLICE IN PAUSANIAS'S CONSPIRACY, FLIEL FOR SHELTER TO KING ADMETUS. A. M. 3531. Ant. J. C. 473. THEMISTOCLES was also implicated in the charge brought against Pausanias. He was then in exile. A passionate thirst of glory, and a strong desire of arbitrary power, had made him odious to his fellow-citizens. He had built, very near his house, a temple dedicated to Diana, under the title of Diana Aristobula, that is to say, the giver of good counsel; as hinting to the Athenians, that he had given good counsel to their city, and to all Greece; and he also had placed his statue in it, which was standing in Plutarch's time. It appeared, says he, from this statue, that his physiognomy was as heroic as his valour. Finding that men listened with pleasure to all the calumnies which his enemies spread against him, in order to silence them, he was forever expatiating, in all public assemblies, on the services he had done his country. As they were at last tired with hearing him repeat the same thing so often, "How!" says he to them, "are you weary of having good offices frequently done you by the same persons?" He did not consider, that putting them so often in mind of his services, was in a manner reproaching them with their having forgotten them, which was not very civil; and he seemed not to know, that the surest way to acquire applause, is to leave the bestowing of it to others, and to resolve to do such things only as are praiseworthy; and that a frequent mention of one's own virtue and exalted actions, is so far from appeasing envy, that it only inflames it. Themistocles,3 after having been banished from Athens, by the ostracism, withdrew to Argos. He was there when Pausanias was prosecuted as a traitor who had conspired against his country. He had at first concealed his machinations from Themistocles, though he was one of his best friends; but as soon as he saw that he was expelled his country, and highly resented that injury, he disclosed his projects to him, and pressed him to join in them. To induce him to comply, he showed him the letters which the king of Persia wrote to him; and endeavoured to animate him against the Athenians, by painting their injustice and ingratitude in the strongest colours. However, Themistocles rejected with indignation the proposals of Pausanias, and refused peremptorily to take any part in his schemes: but then he concealed what had passed between them, and did not discover the enterprise he 1 Thucyd. 1. 1. p. 89, 90. Plut. in Themist. p. 12 124. Corn. Nep. in Themist. c. viii. 2 Hoc molestum est. Nam isthæc commemorati quasi exprobatio est immemoris beneficii, Terent, in Andı Plut. in. Themist. p. 112. had formed; whether it was that he imagined Pausanias would renounce it of himself, or was persuaded that it would be discovered some other way; it not being possible for so dangerous and ill-concerted an enterprise to be successful. After Pausanias's death, several letters and other things were found among his papers, which excited violent suspicions of Themistocles. The Lacedæmonians sent deputies to Athens to accuse and have sentence of death passed upon him; and such of the ⚫ citizens who envied him joined these accusers. Aristides had now a fair opportunity of revenging himself on his rival, for the injurious treatment he had received from him, had his soul been capable of so cruel a satisfaction; but he refused absolutely to join in so horrid a combination; being as little inclined to delight in the misfortunes of his adversary, as he had before been to regret his successes. Themistocles answered by letters all the calumnies with which he was charged; and represented to the Athenians, that as he had ever been fond of ruling, and his temper was such as would not suffer him to be lorded over by others, it was highly improbable that he should have a design to deliver up himself, and all Greece, to enemies and barbarians. In the mean time, the people, wrought upon by his accusers, sent some persons to seize him and bring him home, that he might be tried by the council of Greece. Themistocles, having timely notice of it, went into the island of Corcyra, to whose inhabitants he formerly had done some service: however, not thinking himself safe there, he fled to Epirus; and finding himself still pursued by the Athenians and Lacedæmonians, in despair he adopted a very dangerous plan, which was, to fly to Admetus, king of the Molossians, for refuge. This prince having formerly desired the aid of the Athenians, and being refused with ignominy by Themistocles, who at that time presided in the government, had retained the deepest resentment on that account, and declared that he would revenge himself, should a favourable opportunity ever occur. But Themistocles, imagining that in the unhappy situation of his affairs, the recent envy of his fellow-citizens was more to be feared than the ancient grudge of that king, was resolved to run the hazard of it. When he came into the palace of that monarch, upon being informed that he was absent, he addressed himself to the queen, who received him very graciously, and instructed him in the manner in which It was proper for him to make his request. Admetus, being returned, Themistocles takes the king's son in his arms, seats himself on his hearth amidst his household gods, and there, telling him who he was, and the cause why he fled to him for refuge, he implores his clemency, owns that his life is in his hand, entreats him to forget the past, and represents to him, that no action can be more worthy of a great king than to exercise clemency. Admetus, surprised and moved with compassion in seeing at his feet, in so humble posture, the greatest man of all Greece, and the con queror of all Asia, raised him immediately from the ground, and promised to protect him against all his enemies. Accordingly, when the Athenians and Lacedæmonians came to demand him, he refused absolutely to deliver up a person who had taken refuge in his palace, in the firm persuasion that it would be sacred and inviolable asylum. a a Whilst he was at the court of this prince, one of his friends found an opportunity to carry off his wife and children from Athens, and to send them to him; for which that person was some time after seized and condemned to die. With regard to Themistocles's effects, his friends secured the greatest part of them for him, which they afterwards found an opportunity to remit to him in his retirement; but all that could be discovered, which amounted to 100 talents, was carried to the public treasury. When he entered upon A hundred thousand crowns French, about 22,500. sterling. the administration of the republic, he was not worth SECTION XVII.-ARISTIDES'S DISINTERESTED AD- I HAVE before observed, that the command of Greece had passed from Sparta to the Athenians. Hitherto the cities and nations of Greece had indeed contributed some sums of money towards carrying on the expense of the war against the barbarians; but this assessment had always occasioned great feuds, because it was not made in a just or equal proportion. It was thought proper, under this new government, to lodge in the island of Delos the common treasure of Greece; to enact new regulations with regard to the public moneys: and to lay such a tax as might be regulated according to the revenue of each city and state; in order that the expenses being equally borne by the several members who composed the body of the allies, no one might have reason to murmur. The great point was, to find a person capable of discharg attended with such danger and difficulty, the due ading faithfully an employment of such delicacy, and ministration of which so nearly concerned the public welfare. All the allies cast their eyes on Aristides; accordingly they invested him with full powers, and appointed him to levy a tax on each of them, relying entirely on his wisdom and justice. presided over the treasury with the fidelity and disinThey had no cause to repent of their choice. He terestedness of a man,3 who looks upon it as a capital crime to embezzle the smallest portion of another's property; with the care and activity of a father of a family, who manages his own estate; and with the caution and integrity of a person, who considers the public money as sacred. In fine, he succeeded in what is equally difficult and extraordinary, viz. in acquiring the love of all, in an office in which he that escapes the public odium gains a great point. Such is the glorious character which Seneca gives of a person charged with an employment of almost the same kind, and the noblest eulogium that can be given of such as administer the public revenues. It is the exact picture of Aristides. He discovered so much probity and wisdom in the exercise of this office, that no man complained; and those times were considered ever after as the golden age, that is, the period in which Greece had attained its highest pitch of virtue and happiness. And, indeed, the tax which he had fixed, in the whole, at 460 talents, was raised by Pericles to 600, and soon after to 1300 talents: not that the expenses of the war were increased, but because the treasure was employed to very useless purposes, in manual distributions to the Athenians, in solemnizing of games and festivals, in building of temples and public edifices; not to mention, that the hands of those who superintended the treasury were not al This wise and equitable conduct secured him to the ways so clean and uncorrupt as those of Aristides. latest posterity, the glorious surname of the Just. Nevertheless, Plutarch relates an action of Aristides, which shows that the Greeks (and the same may be said of the Romans) had a very narrow and of it to the interior, as it were, of civil society; and imperfect idea of justice. They confined the exercise acknowledged that individuals were bound to observe strictly its several maxims in their intercourse with each other: but with regard to their country, to the 2 Plut, in Arist. p. 333, 334. Diod. 1. xi. p. 36. Tu quidem orbis terrarum rationes administras; tam abstinenter quam alienas, tam diligenter quam tuas, tam religiosè quàm publicas. In officio amorem consequeris, in quo odium vitare difficile est. Senec. lib. de Brevit, Vil. cap. xviii. A talent is worth a thousand French crowns; or about 2251. sterling. republic (their great idol, to which they referred every of money, and whether he had not obstinately refused thing,) they thought in a quite different manner, and to accept of his offer, giving for answer that he had imagined themselves obliged to sacrifice to it, through more reason to boast of his poverty than Callias of principle, not only their lives and possessions, but his riches; that many persons were to be found who even their religion and the most sacred engagements, made a good use of their wealth, but that there were in contempt of the most solemn oaths. This will ap- few who bore their poverty with magnanimity and pear evidently in what I am now going to relate. even with joy; and that none had cause to blush at After the assessment of the contributions, of which their condition, but such as had reduced themselves to I have just spoken, Aristides, having settled the it by their idleness, their intemperance, their profu several articles of the alliance, made the confederates sion, or dissolute conduct. Arístides declared that take an oath to observe them punctually, and he him- his kinsman had told nothing but the truth; and self swore in the name of the Athenians; and when added, that a man whose frame of mind is such, as to denouncing the curses which always accompanied the suppress every wish for superfluities, and who conoaths, he threw into the sea, pursuant to the usual cus- fines the wants of life within the narrowest limits; tom, large bars of red hot iron. But the ill state of the besides its freeing him from a thousand importunate Athenian affairs forcing them afterwards to infringe cares, and leaving him so much master of his time, some of those articles, and to govern a little more ar- as to devote it entirely to the public; it approximates bitrarily, he entreated them to transfer those curses on him, in some measure, to the Deity, who is wholly him, and exonerate themselves thereby of the punish-void of cares or wants. There was no man in the asment due to such as had forsworn themselves, and who sembly, but, at his leaving it, would have chosen to be had been reduced to it by the unhappy situation of their Aristides, though so poor, rather than Callias with all affairs. Theophrastus tells us, that in general (these his riches. words are borrowed from Plutarch) Aristides, who, in Plutarch gives us, in a few words, Plato's glorious all matters relating to himself or the public, prided testimony to Aristides's virtue, for which he looks upon himself upon displaying the most impartial and rigor-him as infinitely superior to all the illustrious men who ous justice, used to act, during his administration, in were his contemporaries. Themistocles, Cimon, and several instances, according as the exigency of affairs Pericles (says he,) filled indeed their city with splenand the welfare of his country might require; it being did edifices, with porticoes, statues, rich ornaments, his opinion, that a government, in order to support it- and other vain superfluities of that kind; but Arisself, is, on some occasions, obliged to have recourse tides did all that lay in his power to enrich every part to injustice, of which he gives the following example. of it with virtue: now to raise a city to true happiness One day, as the Athenians were debating in their it must be made virtuous, not rich. council, about bringing to their city, in opposition to the articles of the treaty, the common treasures of Greece which were deposited in Delos: the Samians having opened the debate: when it was Aristides's turn to speak, he said, that the removal of the treasure was an unjust action, but useful, and made this opinion take place. This incident shows, with how great obscurity and error the pretended wisdom of the heathens was overspread. Plutarch takes notice of another circumstance in Aristides's life, which, though of the simplest kind, reflects the greatest honour on him, and may serve as an excellent lesson. It is in that beautiful treatise,3 inwhich he inquires, whether it is proper for old men to concern themselves with affairs of government; and where he points out admirably well, the various services they may do the state, even in an advanced age. We are not to fancy, says he, that in order to render services It was scarce possible to have a greater contempt to one's fellow-citizens, it is necessary to make great for riches than Aristides had. Themistocles, who was exertions, to harangue the people, to preside in the not pleased with the enconiums bestowed on other government, or to head armies: an old man, whose men, hearing Aristides applauded for the noble disin- mind is informed with wisdom, may, without going terestedness with which he managed the public trea- from his house, exercise a kind of magistracy in it, sures, did but laugh at it: and said, that the praises which, though secret and obscure, is not therefore the bestowed upon him, showed that he possessed no less important; and that is, in training up youth by greater merit than that of a strong box, which faith-good counsel, teaching them the various springs of fully preserves all the moneys that are shut up in it, without retaining any. This low sneer was by way of revenge for a stroke of raillery that had stung him to the quick. Themistocles one day saying, that, in his opinion, the greatest qualification a general could possess, was to be able to foresee the designs of an enemy: "This qualification,” replied Aristides, "is necessary; but there is another no less noble and worthy of a general, that is, to have clean hands, and a soul superior to venality and views of interest." Aristides might very justly answer Themistocles in this manner, since he was really very poor, though he had possessed the highest employments in the state. He seemed to have an innate love for poverty; and so far from being ashamed of it, he thought it reflected as much glory on him, as all the trophies and victories he had won. History gives us a shining instance of this. Callias, who was a near relation of Aristides, and the most wealthy citizen in Athens, was cited to appear before the judges. The accuser, laying very little stress on the cause itself, reproached him especially with permitting Aristides, and his wife and children, to live in poverty, at a time when he himself rolled in riches. Callias, perceiving that these reproaches made a strong impression on the judges, summoned Aristides to declare before them, whether he had not often pressed him to accept of large sums 1 Plut. in Arist. p. 333, 334. policy, and the path they ought to pursue in the management of public affairs. Aristides, adds Plutarch, was not always in office, but was always of service to his country. His house was a public school of virtue, wisdom, and politics. It was open to all young Athenians who were lovers of virtue, and these used to consult him as an oracle. He gave them the kindest reception, heard them with patience, instructed them with familiarity; and endeavoured, above all things, to animate their courage, and inspire them with confidence. It is observed particularly, that Cimon, afterwards so famous, was obliged to him for this important service. Plutarch divided the life of statesmen into three ages. In the first, he would have them learn the principles of government; in the second, reduce them to practice; and in the third, instruct others. History does not mention the exact time when,5 nor place where, Aristides died; but then it pays a glorious testimony to his memory, when it assures us, that this great man, who had possessed the highest employments in the republic, and had the absolute of a commonwealth. For this purpose the Romans SECTION XVIII.-DEATH OF XERXES, WHO IS HIS CHARACTER. disposal of its treasures, died poor, and did not leave The greatest honour which the ancients have done to Aristides, is the having bestowed on himn the glorious title of the Just. He gained it, not by one particular occurrence of his life, but by the whole tenor of his conduct and actions. Plutarch makes a reflection on this occasion, which, being very remarkable, I think if incumbent on me not to omit. Among the several virtues of Aristides, says this judicious author,1 that for which he was most renowned was his justice; because this virtue is of most general use; its benefits extend to a greater number of persons; and it is the foundation, and in a manner the soul, of every public office and employment. Hence it was that Aristides, though in low circumstances, and of mean extraction, merited the title of Just; a title, says Plutarch, truly royal, or rather truly divine; but one of which princes are seldom ambitious, because they are ignorant of its beauty and excellency. They choose rather to be called the takers of cities, the thunderbolts of war, victors and conquerors, and sometimes even eagles and lions; preferring the vain honour of pompous titles, which convey no other idea than violence and slaughter, to the solid glory of those expressive of goodness and virtue. They do not know, continues Plutarch, that of the three chief attributes of the Deity, of whom kings boast themselves the image, I mean, immortality, power, and justice; that of these three attributes, the first of which excites our admiration and desire, the second fills us with dread and terror, and the third inspires us with love and respect; this last is the only one truly and personally communicated to man, and the only one that can conduct him to the other two; it being impossible for man to become truly immortal and powerful, but by being just. A. M. 3531 which continued afterwards, at length Ant. J. C. 473. Before I resume the sequel of this A. M. 3532. history, it may not be improper to A. Rom. 302. observe, that it was about this period that the fame of the Greeks, who were still more renowned for the wisdom of their polity than the glory of their victories, induced the Romans to have recourse to their lights and know-juraque noscere. ledge. Rome, formed under kings, was in want of such laws as were necessary for the good government 1 Plut, in vit, Arist. p. 321, 322. * Poiorcetes, Ceraunus, Nicator. Missig. legati Athenas, jussique inclytas leges Solonis describere, et aliarum Græciæ civitatum instituta, mores, Decem tabularum leges perlatæ sunt quibus adjectæ postea dua) qui nunc quoque in hoc immenso aliarum super alias privatarum legum cumulo, fons omnis publici privatique est juris. Liv. l. iii, n. 31, and 34 • Ctes, c. 1. Diod, 1. xi, p. 52. Justin, 1. iii. c.l. This was not Artabanus the uncle of Xerxes. Arist. Polit. 1. v. c. 10, p. 404. way through mountains, and making them navigable; in chastising the sea for having broken down his bridge, and in foolishly attempting to shackle the waves, by throwing fetters into them. Puffed up with a childish vanity and a ridiculous pride, he looks upon himself as the arbiter of nature: he imagines, that not a nation in the world will dare to wait his arrival; and fondly and presumptuously relies on the millions of men and ships which he drags after him. But when, after the battle of Salamis, he beholds the sad ruins, the shameful remains, of his numberless troops scattered over all Greece; he then is sensible of the wide difference between an army and a crowd of men. In a word, to form a right judgment of Xerxes, we need but contrast him with a plain citizen of Athens, a Miltiades, Themistocles, or Aristides. In the latter we find all the good sense, prudence, ability in war, valour, and greatness of soul; in the former we see nothing but vanity, pride, obstinacy; the meanest and most grovelling sentiments, and sometimes the most horrid barbarity. Thus we have seen the end of Xerxes, who was one of the most powerful princes that ever lived. It would be needless for me to anticipate the reader, with respect to the judgment he ought to form of him. We see him surrounded with whatever is greatest and most brilliant in the opinion of mankind; the most extensive empire at that time in the world; immense treasures, and forces both by land and sea, whose number appears incredible. All these things, however, are round him, not in him, and add no lustre to his natural qualities: but by a blindness too common to princes and great men, born in the midst of abundance, heir to boundless power, and a lustre that had cost him nothing, he had accustomed himself to judge | of his own talents and personal merit from the exterior of his exalted station and rank. He disregards the wise counsels of Artabanus his uncle, and of Demaratus, who alone had courage enough to speak truth to him; and he abandons himself to courtiers, the adorers of his fortune, whose whole study it was to soothe his passions. He proportions, and pretends to regulate, the success of his enterprises, by the extent of his power. The slavish submission of so many nations no longer soothes his ambition; and, disgusted with too easy an obedience, he takes pleasure in exercising his power over the elements, in cutting his | 1. vi. c. 32. Stratusque per totam passim Græciam Xerxes intellexit, quantum ab exercitu turba distaret. Senec. de Benef. THE ANCIENT HISTORY OF THE PERSIANS AND GRECIANS. BOOK VII. The first and third chapters of this Book Include the history of the Persians and Greeks, during forty-eight years and some months, which contain the reign of Artaxerxes Longimanus; the last six years of which answer to the six first of the Pelo world 3531, and ends at 3579. ponnesian war. This space of time begins at the year of the The second chapter comprehends the other transactions of the Greeks, which happened both in Sicily and Italy during the interval above mentioned. CHAPTER I. still were two obstacles in his way, before he could establish himself in the quiet possession of his throne; one of which was his brother Hystapses, governor of Bactriana; and the other, the faction of Artabanus. He began by the latter. Artabanus had left seven sons, and a great number of partisans, who soon assembled to revenge his death. These and the adherents of Artaxerxes, fought a bloody battle, in which a great number of Persian THIS chapter includes the history of the Persians nobles lost their lives. Artaxerxes having at last enand Greeks, from the beginning of the reign of Ar-tirely defeated his enemies, put to death all who had taxerxes to the Peloponnesian war, which began in the 42d year of that king's reign. SECTION I.—ARTAXERXES RUINS THE FACTION OF ARTABANUS, AND THAT OF HYSTASPES HIS ELDER engaged in this conspiracy. He took an exemplary vengeance of those who were concerned in his father's murder, and particularly of Mithridates the eunuch, who had betrayed him : he made him suffer the punishment of the troughs, which was executed in the following manner. He was laid on his back in a kind of THE Greek historians give this horse-trough, and strongly fastened to the four corners A. M. 3531. prince the surname of Longimanus. of it. Every part of him, except his head, his hands, Ant. J. C. 473. Strabo says, it was because his and feet, which came out at holes made for that purhands were so long, that when he stood upright he could touch his knees with them: rid situation victuals were given him from time to pose, was covered with another trough. In this horbut according to Plutarch,2 it was because his right time; and in case of his refusal to eat, they were hand was longer than his left. Had it not been for forced down his throat; honey mixed with milk was this blemish, he would have been the most graceful given him to drink, and all his face was smeared with man of his age. He was still more remarkable for it, which by that means attracted a numberless multihis goodness and generosity. He reigned about for-tude of flies, especially as he was perpetually exposed ty-nine years. to the scorching rays of the sun. The worms which bred in his excrements preyed upon his bowels. The Although Artaxerxes, by the death of Artabanus, was delivered from a dangerous competitor, there 1 Lib. xv. p. 735. In Artax. p. 1011. 8 Ctes. c. XXX. Plut, in Artax. P. 1019. |