SECTION II.—THE ATHENIANS MAKE THEMSELVES ❘ that all their allies in that neighbourhood would re MASTERS OF THE ISLAND OF CYTHERA. EXPEDI TIONS OF BRASIDAS INTO THRACE. HE TAKES AM- volt; especially as Brasidas discovered great moderation and justice, and continually gave out that he came with no other view than to free the country. A BATTLE IS FOUGHT NEAR DELIUM, WHERE THE He declared to the several nations, that at his leaving ATHENIANS ARE DEFEATED. The eight year of the War. THE three or four campaigns which followed the reduction of the small island of Sphacteria, were distinguished by very few considerable events. A. M. 3580. Ant. J. C. 424. The Athenians under Nicias took the island of Cythera,' situated on the coast of Lacedæmonia, near cape Malea, and from thence they infest ed the whole country. Brasidas, on the other side, marched towards Thrace.2 The Lacedæmonians were induced by more than one motive to undertake this expedition; imagining they should oblige the Athenians, who had fallen upon them in their country, to divide their forces. The inhabitants of it invited them thither, and offered to pay the army. In fine, they were extremely glad to embrace that opportunity to rid themselves of the Helots, whom they expected to rise in rebellion, since the taking of Pylus. They had already made away with 2000 of them in a most horrid manner. Upon the specious pretence of rewarding merit even in slaves, but in reality to get rid of a body of men whose courage they dreaded, they caused proclamation to be made, that such of the Helots as had done the greatest service to the state in the last campaign, should enter their names in the public registers, in order to their being made free. Accordingly 2000 gave in their names. They were carried in procession through the temples, with chaplets of flowers on their heads, as if they were really to be set at liberty. After this ceremony they all disappeared, and were never heard of more. We have here an instance, in what manper a suspicious policy and power, when filled with jealousy and distrust, excite men to the blackest crimes, without scrupling to make even religion itself, and the authority of the gods, subservient to their dark designs. They therefore sent 700 Helots with Brasidas, whom they had appointed to head this enterprise. This general brought over several cities, either by force or secret understanding, and still more by his wisdom and moderation. The chief of these were Acanthus and Stagyra, which were two colonies from Andros. He also inarched afterwards towards Amphipolis,3 an Athenian colony, on the river Strymon. The inhabitants immediately despatched a message to Thueydides the Athenian general, who was then in Thasus, a little island of the Egean sea, half a day's journey from Amphipolis. He instantly set sail with seven ships that were near him, to secure the place before Brasidas could sieze it; or, at worst, to get into Eion, which lay very near Amphipolis. Brasidas, who was afraid of Thucydides, from his great influence in all that country, where he was possessed of some gold mines, made all the despatch imaginable, to get thither before him; and offered such advantageous conditions to the besieged, who did not expect succours so soon, that they surrendered. Thucydides arrived the same evening at Eion; and had he failed to come that day, Brasidas would have taken possesson of it the next morning by day-break. Although Thucydides had made all imaginable despatch, the Athenians however, charged him with being the cause of the taking of Amphipolis, and accordingly banished him. The Athenians were greatly afflicted at the loss of that city, as well because they drew great revenue from it, and timber to build their ships, as because it was a door for entering Thrace. They were afraid Sparta, he had taken an oath, in presence of the ma- UPON BETWEEN THE TWO STATES. DEATH OF CLE- The same who wrote the history of the Peloponnesian | Alcib. p. 195. Plut. in Lach. p. 181. In Conviv. p. 221. Plut. in vantage. A truce for a year was therefore concluded | of Sphacteria, he now fancied the same good fortune between the Athenians and Lacedæmonians. The would attend him at Amphipolis. He therefore apformer resolved on it, in order to check the progress proached it, merely, as he said, to take a view of the of Brasidas's conquests; to secure their cities and place, and till such time as all his forces should be fortresses; and afterwards to conclude a general peace, come up; not that he thought he wanted them for in case they judged it would be of advantage to them. carrying that city, or that he entertained any doubt of The latter were induced to it, in order that, by the his success (for he was persuaded that no one would sweets of repose, peace might become desirable to dare to oppose him,) but only to enable him to invest their enemy; and to get out of their hands such of the place on all sides, and afterwards to take it by their citizens as the Athenians had taken prisoners in storm. Accordingly he encamped before Amphipolis; the island of Sphacteria; and which they could never viewing very leisurely its situation, and fondly suppoexpect to do, if Brasidas extended his conquests far-sing that it would be in his power to retire whenever ther. The news of this accommodation sensibly he pleased, without drawing the sword: for not a afflicted Brasidas, as it stopped him in the midst of man came out or appeared on the walls, and all the his career, and disconcerted all his projects. He gates of the city were kept shut; so that Cleon began could not even prevail with himself to abandon the to repent his not having brought the engines, imagincity of Scione, which he had taken two days after the ing that he wanted only these to make himself mastruce, but without knowing that it had been concluded. ter of the city. Brasidas, who was perfectly well acHe went still farther; and did not scruple to take quainted with Cleon's disposition and character, Mende, a little city not far from Scione, that surrendered studiously affected an air of fear and reserve, as a to him as the former had done, which was a direct vio- bait to his temerity, and to increase the good opinion lation of the treaty: but Brasidas pretended he had he had of himself: besides, he knew that Cleon had other infractions to object to the Athenians. brought with him the flower of the Athenian forces, and the choicest troops of Lemnos and of Imbrus. Accordingly Cleon, despising an enemy that did not dare to appear before him, but shut himself up in a cowardly manner in the city, went boldly from place to place, without precaution or observing any discipline among his soldiers. Brasidas, whose intention was to attack him on a sudden before all his forces should be come up, thought this the critical juncture. He had concerted proper measures, and given the orders necessary. Accordingly, he made a sudden sally on the Athenians, which surprised and disconcerted them exceedingly. Immediately the left wing drew off from the main body and fled. Brasidas then turned the whole force of his arms against the right wing, which gave him a warm reception. Here he was wounded and disabled, upon which his soldiers carried him off, unperceived by the Athenians. As for Cleon, not having resolved to fight, he fled, and was killed by a soldier who happened to meet him. The troops he commanded defended themselves for some time, and sustained two or three attacks without giving ground, but at last they were universally broken and routed. Brasidas was then carried into the city, where he survived his victory but a few moments. It will naturally be supposed that the latter did not patiently endure this conduct of Brasidas. Cleon, in all public assemblies, was for ever inflaming the minds of the Athenians, and blowing up the fire of war. His great success in the expedition against Sphacteria had infinitely raised his credit with the people:1 he now was grown insupportably proud, and his audaciousness was not to be restrained. He had a vehement, impetuous, and furious kind of eloquence, which prevailed over the minds of his auditors, not so much by the strength of his arguments, as by the boldness and fire of his style and declamation. It was Cleon who first set the example of bawling in assemblies, where the greatest decorum and moderation had till then been observed; of throwing his robe behind him, to give him the more liberty to display his arms; of striking his thigh; and of running up and down the hustings while he was making his speech. In a word he first introduced among the orators, and all those who interfered in the affairs of state, an ungovernable licentiousness, and a contempt of decency; a licentiousness and contempt, which soon introduced terrible irregularities and confusion in public affairs. Thus two men,2 each on his own side, opposed the tranquillity of Greece, and raised, but in a very The whole army being returned from the pursuit, different way, an invincible obstacle to its peace. stripped the dead, and afterwards set up a trophy. These were Cleon and Brasidas; the former, because After which all the allies under arms solemnized the the war screened his vices and malversations; and the funeral obsequies of Brasidas in a public manner; and latter, because it added new lustre to his virtue. And, the inhabitants of Amphipolis celebrated funeral hoindeed, it gave Cleon an opportunity of committing nours every year to his memory, as to a hero, with enormous oppressions, and Brasidas of performing games, combats, and sacrifices. They considered great and noble actions. But their death, which hap-him as their founder: and to secure this title the betpened about the same time, made way for a new accommodation. A. M. 3582. Ant. J. C. 422. The Athenians had appointed Cleon to command the troops which were to oppose Brasidas, and reduce those cities that had revolted from their allegiance. They were solicitous for none so much as Amphipolis; and Brasidas threw himself into that city, in order to defend it. Cleon had written to Perdiccas, king of Macedonia, and to the king of the Odomantes, to furnish him with as many troops as possible; and with the utmost expedition. He waited for them, and had resolved not to march immediately towards the enemy: but finding his soldiers, who had followed him involuntarily and with regret, grow weary of continuing so long inactive, and begin to compare his cowardice and inexperience with the ability and valour of Brasidas, he could no longer bear their contempt and murmurs; and imagining himself a great captain by his capture ter to him, they demolished all the monuments of him who had really been so; in order that they might not appear to owe their establishment to an Athenian, and at the same time make their court to the Lacedæmonians, on whom they depended wholly for their security. The Athenians, after having carried off, with the consent of the victors, their dead, returned to Athens, during which the Lacedæmonians settled the affairs of Amphipolis. A saying is ascribed to the mother of Brasidas,5 which strongly marks the Spartan character. As some persons were applauding in her presence the fine qualities and exalted actions of her son, and declaring him superior to all other generals: You are mistaken, says she: my son was a valiant man, but Sparta has many citizens braver than he. A mother's generosity, in thus preferring the glory of the state to that of her son, was admired, and did not go unre warded; for the Ephori paid her public honours. After this last engagement, in which the two per that reason used their utmost endeavours to excite PUBLIC. HIS CHARACTER. HE OPPOSES NICIAS IN Twelfth year of the War. ALCIBIADES now began to advance himself in the state, and appear in the public assemblies. Socrates had attached himself to him for many years, and adorned his mind with a great variety of the noblest erudition. sons who were the greatest obstacles to peace lost | Corinthians were exceedingly disgusted at it, and for their lives, both nations seemed more inclined to an accommodation, and the war was suspended in a manner on both sides. The Athenians, since the loss of the battles of Delium and Amphipolis, which had very much brought down their haughtiness, were undeceived with regard to the high opinion they had hitherto entertained of their own strength, that had made them refuse the advantageous offers of their enemies. Besides, they were apprehensive of the revolt of their allies, who, being discouraged by their losses, might thereby be induced to abandon them, as several had already done. These reflections made them strongJy repent their not having concluded a treaty, after the advantages they had gained at Pylus. The Lacedæmonians, on the other side, no longer flattered themselves with the hopes of being able to ruin the Athenians by laying waste their country; and were besides dejected and terrified by their loss in the island, the greatest they had hitherto ever sustained. They also considered that their country was ravaged by the garrison of Pylus and Cythera; that their slaves deserted; that they had reason to dread a more consi- The strict intimacy between Alcibiades and Socraderable revolt; and that as the truce they had con- tes is one of the most remarkable circumstances in Icluded with the inhabitants of Argos was near expir- his life. This philosopher observing excellent natural ing, they had reason to be apprehensive of being aban- qualities in him, which were greatly heightened by the doned by some of their allies of Peloponnesus, as in beauty of his person, bestowed incredible pains in culfact they were. These several motives, enforced by tivating so valuable a plant, lest, being neglected, it the desire they had of recovering their prisoners, the should wither as it grew, and absolutely degenerate. greatest part of whom were the most considerable ci- And, indeed, Alcibiades was exposed to numberless tizens of Sparta, made them desire a peace. dangers; the nobility of his birth, his vast riches, the Those who were most solicitous for having it con-authority of his family, the influence of his guardians, cluded, and whose interest it was chiefly to wish it, his personal talents, his exquisite beauty, and, still were the chiefs of the two states, viz. Plistonax, king more than these, the flattery and complaisance of all of Lacedæmonia, and Nicias, general of the Athe- who approached him. One would have concluded, nians. The former was lately returned from banish- says Plutarch, that fortune had surrounded and ment, to which he had been sentenced on account of invested him with all these pretended advantages, his being suspected to have received a bribe, in order as with so many ramparts and bulwarks, to rento draw off his troops from the Athenian territories; der him inaccessible and invulnerable to all the and to this precipitate retreat were ascribed several darts of philosophy; those salutary darts which strike misfortunes which followed after it. He also was to the very heart, and leave in it the strongest enticecharged with having corrupted by gifts the priestess ments to virtue and solid glory. But those very obof Delphi, who had commanded the Spartans, in the stacles redoubled the zeal of Socrates. name of the god, to recall him from his exile. Plistonax was therefore desirous of peace, in order to put an end to these reproaches, which, on account of the perpetual calamities of the war, were daily revived. As for Nicias, the most fortunate general of his age, he was afraid lest some unhappy accident should sully his glory; and he wished to enjoy the fruits of peace in ease and tranquillity, and to ensure the same happiness to his country. Both states began by agreeing to a suspension of arms for twelve months, during which, being every day together, and tasting the sweets of security and repose, and the pleasure of corresponding with their friends and with foreigners, they grew passionately desirous of leading an easy, undisturbed life, remote from the alarms of war and the horrors of blood and slaughter. They heard with the utmost demonstrations of joy the choruses of their tragedies sing, "May spiders henceforward weave their cobwebs on our lances and shields!" And they remembered with pleasure him who said, "Those who sleep in the arms of peace, do not start from them at the sound of the trumpet; and nothing interrupts their slumbers but the peaceful crowing of the cock." The whole winter was spent in conferences and interviews, in which each party proposed their claims and pretensions.2 At last, a peace A. M. 3583. was concluded and ratified for fifty Ant. J. C 421. years; one of the chief articles of which was, that they should reciprocally restore the prisoners on each side. This treaty was concluded ten years and some days from the first declaration of the war. The Bootians and 1 Thueyd., v. p. 354. Plut, in Nic. p. 528, 529. 2 Diod. L. p. 122. Notwithstanding the endeavours that were used to divert this young Athenian from an intercourse which alone was capable of securing him from so many snares, he devoted himself entirely to it. As he had abundance of wit, he was fully sensible of Socrates's merit, and could not resist the charms of his sweet and insinuating eloquence, which at that time had a greater ascendant over him than the allurements of pleasure. He was so zealous a disciple of that great master, that he followed him wherever he went, took the utmost delight in his conversation, was extremely well pleased with his principles, received his instructions and even his reprimands with wonderful docility, and would be so moved with his discourses, as even to shed tears and abhor himself; so weighty was the force of truth in the mouth of Socrates, and in so glaring a light did he expose the hideousness and deformity of the vices to which Alcibiades abandoned himself. Alcibiades, in those moments when he listened to Socrates, differed so much from himself, that he appeared quite another man. However, his headstrong, fiery temper, and his natural fondness for pleasure, which was heightened and inflamed by the conversation of young people, soon plunged him into his former irregularities, and tore him, as it were, from his master; who was obliged to run after him as after a run-away slave. This vicissitude of flights and returns, of virtuous resolutions and relapses into vice, continued a long time; but still Socrates was not disheartened by his levity, and always flattered himself with the hope of bringing him back to his duty. And hence certainly arose the strong mixture of good Thucyd. 1. v. p. 358, 359. and evil that always appeared in his conduct; the in- | structions which his master had given him sometimes prevailing; and at other times the impetuosity of his passions hurrying him, in a manner against his own will, into actions of a quite opposite nature. This intimacy, which continued as long as they lived, did not pass uncensured. But some persons of great learning pretend, that these censures and suspicions, when duly examined, quite disappear; and that they ought to be considered as the effect of the malice of the enemies of both. Plato, in one of his dialogues, gives us a conversation between Socrates and Alcibiades, well calculated to display the genius and character of the latter, who henceforward will have, a very great share, and play a conspicuous part in the affairs of the republic of Athens. I shall make a very short extract from it in this place, which I hope will not displease my readers. In this dialogue Socrates is introduced conversing with Alcibiades,2 who at that time was under the guardianship of Pericles. He was then very young, and had been educated like the rest of the Athenians; that is, he had been taught polite literature, and to play on instruments, and had practised wrestling and other bodily exercises. It does not appear that Pericles had hitherto taken much pains in Alcibiades's education (a fault too common in the greatest men,) since he had put him under the tuition of Zopyrus, a Thracian, a man far advanced in years, and who, of all Pericles's slaves, both from his turn of mind and age, was the least qualified to educate this young Athenian. And indeed Socrates told Alcibiades, that should he compare him with the youths of Lacedæmonia, who displayed a spirit of valour, a greatness of soul, a strong desire of glory, a love of labour, attended with gentleness, modesty, temperance, and a perfect obedience to the laws and discipline of Sparta, he would seem a mere child to them. Nevertheless, his high birth, his riches, the great families he was related to, and the authority of his guardian,-all these things had conspired to make him exceedingly vain and haughty. He was full of esteem for himself, and of contempt for all others. He was preparing to enter upon the administration of public affairs, and, from his conversation, it might be presumed, that he promised himself no less than to eclipse entirely the glory of Pericles, and to attack the king of Persia even upon his throne. Socrates seeing him going to mount the tribunal, in order to give the people some advice relating to the public affairs, demonstrates to him, by various questions, and by Alcibiades's answers, that he is quite ignorant of the affairs about which he is going to speak, as he had never studied them himself, nor been informed in them by others. After making Alcibiades himself confess this, he paints, in the strongest colours, the absurdity of his conduct, and makes him fully sensible of it.-What, says Socrates, would Amestris (the mother of Artaxerxes, who then reigned in Persia) say, were she to hear, that there is a man now in Athens who is meditating war against her son, and even intends to dethrone him? She doubtless would suppose him to be some veteran general, a man of intrepid courage, of great wisdom, and consummate experience; that he is able to raise a mighty army, and march it wherever he pleases; and at the same time, that he has long before taken the proper measures for putting so vast a design in execution. But were she to hear that this is by no means the case, and that the person in question is not twenty years old; that he is utterly ignorant of public affairs; has not the least knowledge of war, nor any authority among the citizens, or influence over the allies; would it be possible for her to refrain from laughing at the folly and extravagance of such an enterprise? This nevertheless, says Socrates, (di Abbé Fraguier justifies Socrates in one of his dissertations. Mem. of the Academy of Belles Lettres, tom. iv. P. 372. 2 Plut. in Alcíb. I, recting himself to Alcibiades,) is your picture; and unhappily resembles most of those who thrust themselves into the public employments. Socrates, however, excepts Pericles on this occasion; his solid merit and exalted reputation being acquired by his close study, during a long course of years, of every thing capable of forming his mind, and of qualifying him for public employments. Alcibiades could not deny that this was his case; he was ashamed of his conduct, and blushing to see himself so void of merit, he asks how he must act in order to attain it. Socrates being unwilling to discourage his pupil, tells him, that as he is so young, these evils might be remedied, and afterwards continually gave him the wisest counsels. He had full leisure to profit by them; as upwards of twenty years passed between this conversation and his engaging in public affairs. Alcibiades was of a pliant and flexible disposition, that would take any impression which the difference of times and circumstances might require, still veering either to good or evil with the same facility and ardour; and shifting almost in an instant from one extreme to its opposite; so that the people applied to him what Homer observes of the land of Egypt, That it produces a great number of very excellent medicinal drugs, and at the same time as many poisons. It might be said of Alcibiades,3 that he was not one single man, but (if so bold an expression might be used) a compound of several men; either serious or gay; austere or affable; an imperious master, or a grovelling slave; a friend to virtue and the virtuous, or abandoned to vice and vicious men; capable of supporting the most painful fatigues and toils, or insatiably desirous of voluptuous delights. His irregularities and dissolute conduct were become the talk of the whole city ;4 and Alcibiades would very willingly have put a stop to these reports, but without changing his course of life, as appears from a saying of his. He had a very handsome dog, of an uncommon size, which had cost him threescore and ten minæ,5 or 3500 French livres. By this we find that a fondness for dogs is of great antiquity. Alcibiades caused his tail, which was the greatest beauty he had about him, to be cut off. His friends censured him very much on that account, and said, that the whole city blamed him very much for spoiling the beauty of so handsome a creature. This is the very thing I want, replied Alcibiades with a smile: I would have the Athenians converse about what I have done to my dog that they may not entertain themselves with saying worse things of me. Among the various passions that were discovered in him,6 the strongest and most prevailing was a haughty turn of mind, which would force all things to submit to it, and could not bear a superior or even an equal. Although his birth and uncommon talents smoothed the way to his attaining the highest employments in the republic, there was nothing however to which he was so fond of owing the influence and authority he wanted to gain over the people, as to the force of his eloquence, and the persuasive graces of his orations. To this his intimacy with Socrates might have greatly conduced. A. M. 3584. Ant. J. C. 420. Alcibiades, with the disposition we have here described, was not born for repose, and had set every engine at work to thwart the treaty lately concluded between the two states; but not succeeding in his attempt, he endeavoured to prevent its taking effect. He was disgusted at the Lacedæmonians, because they directed themselves only to Nicias, of whom they had a very high opinion; and on the contrary seemed to take no manner of notice of him, though the rights of hospitality had subsisted between his ancestors and them. vantageous to them. at that moment going to send for the ambassadors of Argos, in order to conclude the league with them, when a great earthquake came to the assistance of The first thing he did to infringe the peace was Nicias, and broke up the assembly. It was with the this. Having been informed that the people of Argos utmost difficulty he prevailed so far in that which was only wanted an opportunity to break with the Spar-held next day, as to have a stop put to the proceedtans, whom they equally hated and feared, he flatterings, till such time as ambassadors should be sent to ed them secretly with the hopes that the Athenians Lacedæmon. Nicias was appointed to head them, would succour them, by suggesting to them that they but returned without having done the least good. The were ready to break a peace which was no way ad- Athenians then repented very much their having delivered up, at his persuasion, the prisoners they had taken in the island, and who were related to the greatest families in Sparta. However, though the people were highly exasperated at Nicias, they did not proceed to any excesses against him, but only appointed Alcibiades their general; made a league with the inhabitants of Mantinea and Elis, who had quitted the party of the Lacedæmonians, in which the Argives were included, and sent troops to Pylus, to lay waste Laconia. In this manner they again involved themselves in the war which they were so lately desirous of avoiding. And indeed the Lacedæmonians were not very careful to observe the several conditions of it religiously, having concluded an alliance with the Bootians, in direct opposition to the design and tenor of the treaty; and having surrendered up the fort of Panactus to the Athenians, not fortified, and in the condition it was in at the concluding of the treaty, as they had stipulated to do, but quite dismantled. Alcibiades observing the Athenians to be extremely exasperated at this breach of faith, did his utmost to increase their disgust; and taking this opportunity to embarrass Nicias, he made him odious to the people, by causing them to entertain a suspicion of his being too strongly attached to the Lacedæmonians; and by charging him with crimes which were not altogether improbable, though they were absolutely false. Plutarch, after relating the intrigue of Alcibiades, adds: "No one can approve the methods he employed to succeed in his design; however, it was a masterstroke to disunite and shake almost every part of Peloponnesus in this manner, and raise up, in one day, So many enemies against the Lacedæmonians." In my opinion, this is too mild a censure of so knavish and perfidious an action, which how successful soever it might have been, was, notwithstanding, horrid in itself, and of a nature never to be sufficiently detested. There was in Athens a citizen,2 named Hyperbolus, a very wicked man, whom the comic poets generally made the object of their raillery and invectives. He was hardened in evil, and become insensible to infa my, by renouncing all sentiments of honour, which could only be the effect of a soul abandoned entirely to vice. Hyperbolus was not agreeable to any one; and yet the people made use of him to humble those in high stations, and involve them in difficulties. Two citizens, Nicias and Alcibiades, engrossed at that time all the authority in Athens. The dissolute life of the latter shocked the Athenians, who besides, dreaded his audacity and haughtiness. On the other side, Nicias, by always opposing, without the least reserve, their unjust desires, and by obliging them to take the most useful measures, was become very odious to them. It might be expected, that as the peo This new attack quite disconcerted Nicias; but happily for him, there arrived, at that very instant, ambassadors from Lacedæmonia, who were invested with full powers to put an end to all the disputes. Being introduced into the council, or senate, they set forth their complaints, and made their demands, which every one of the members thought very just and reasonable. The people were to give them audience the next day. Alcibiades, who was afraid they would succeed with them, used his utmost endeavours to engage the ambassadors in a conference with him. He represented to them, that the council always behaved with the utmost moderation and humanity towards those who addressed them, but that the people were haughty and extravagant in their pretensions; that should the ambassadors mention full powers, the people would not fail to take advantage of this circumstance, and oblige them to agree to whatever they should take it into their heads to ask. He concluded with assuring them, that he would assist them with all his credit, in order to get Pylus restored to them; to prevent the alliance with the people of Argos, and to get that with them renew-ple were thus alienated from both, they could not fail ed: and he confirmed all these promises with an oath. The ambassadors were extremely well pleased with this conference, and greatly admired the profound policy and vast abilities of Alcibiades, whom they looked upon as an extraordinary man; and, indeed, they were not mistaken in their conjecture. On the morrow, the people being assembled, the ambassadors were introduced. Alcibiades asked them, in the mildest terms, the subject of their embassy, and the purport of the powers with which they were invested. They immediately answered, that they were come to propose an accommodation, but were not empowered to conclude any thing. These words were no sooner spoken, than Alcibiades exclaims against them; declares them to be treacherous knaves; calls upon the council as witness to the speech they had made the night before; and desires the people not to believe or hear men who so impudently advanced falsehoods, and spoke and prevaricated so unaccountably, as to say one thing one day, and the very reverse on the next. Words could never express the surprise and confusion with which the ambassadors were seized, who, gazing at one another, could not believe either their eyes or ears. Nicias, who did not know the treacherous stratagem of Alcibiades, could not conceive the motive of this change, and tortured his brain to no purpose to find out the reason of it. The people were to put the ostracism in force against one of them. Of the two parties which prevailed at that time in the city, one, which consisted of the young men who were eager for war, the other of the old men who were desirous of peace; the former endeavoured to procure the banishment of Nicias, and the latter of Alcibiades. Hyperbolus, whose only merit was his impudence, in hopes of succeeding, whichsoever of them should be removed, declared openly against them, and was eternally exasperating the people against both. However, the two factions uniting, he himself was banished, and by that put an end to the ostracism, which seemed to have been demeaned, in being employed against a man of so base a character; for hitherto there was a kind of honour and dignity annexed to this punishment. Hyperbolus was therefore the last who was sentenced by the ostracism; as Hipparchus, a near relation of Pisistratus the tyrant had been the first. SECTION V.-ALCIBIADES ENGAGES THE ATHENI ANS IN THE WAR OF SICILY. Sixteenth and seventeenth years of the war. I PASS over several inconsiderable events,3 to hasten In Alcib. p. 198. Plut. in Alcib. p. 196, 197. In Nic. p. 530, 531. |