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mising to furnish the Lacedæmonians, with all the thority in the court of the barbarian. For this Persian, necessary expenses for their troops, pressed them to who was full of fraud and artifice, a great friend to arm directly, and to join him; because the Athenian knaves and bad men, and set no value upon simplicifleet prevented him from levying the usual contributions ty and integrity, infinitely admired the versatility of in his province; and had put it out of his power to Alcibiades, the ease with which he assumed all kind remit those of the preceding years to the king. He of manners and characters, and his great ability in hoped besides with that powerful aid to get into his the conduct of affairs. And indeed there was no hands with more ease a certain nobleman who had re-heart so hard, or temper so untractable, as to hold out volted in Caria, and whom he had the king's orders to against the graces and charms of his conversation and send him dead or alive. This was Amorges, a bastard intimacy. Even those who feared and envied him of Pissuthnes. Pharnabazus at the same time de- most, enchanted in a manner by his affable and engagmanded ships to draw off the cities of the Hellespont | ing behaviour, could not dissemble the infinite satisfrom their subjection to the Athenians; who prevent- faction they felt in seeing and conversing with him. ed him also from levying the tributes of his govern- Tissaphernes therefore, though otherwise very haughty and brutal, and the man who of all the Persians most hated the Greeks, was so much taken with the complaisance and insinuations of Alcibiades, that he gave himself wholly up to him, and flattered him more than he was flattered by him: insomuch that he gave the name of Alcibiades to the finest and most delightful of his gardens, as well from the abundance of its fountains and canals, and the verdure of its groves, as the surprising beauty of its retreats and solitudes, which art and nature seemed to vie with each other in embellishing, and wherein a more than royal magnificence was displayed.

ment.

The Lacedæmonians thought it proper to begin by satisfying Tissaphernes; and the influence of Alcibiades contributed very much to the taking that resolution. He embarked with Chalcidaeus for Chio, which took up arms upon their arrival, and declared for the Lacedæmonians. Upon the news of this revolt, the Athenians resolved to take the 1000 talents out of the treasury, which had been deposited there from the beginning of the war, after having repealed the decree which prohibited it. Miletus also revolted soon after. Tissaphernes, having joined his troops with those of Sparta, attacked and took the city of Iasus, in which Amorges had shut himself up, who was taken alive and sent into Persia. That governor gave a month's pay to the whole army, at a drachma, or ten-pence, a day to each soldier, observing that he had orders to give them only half that sum for the future.

It was at this time that Chalcidæus made a treaty with Tissaphernes in the name of the Lacedæmonians,3 of which one of the principal articles was, that all the country which had been subject to the king or his predecessors should remain in his hands. It was renewed some time after by Theramanes, another general of the Lacerlæmonians, with some small alterations. But when this treaty came to be examined at Sparta, it was found, that too great concessions had been made to the king of Persia, in giving up all the places held by himself or his ancestors, as this was to make him master of the greatest part of Greece, of Thessaly, Locris, and the whole country as far as Boeotia, without mentioning the islands; from whence the Lacedæmonians would appear rather to have enslaved Greece, than re-established its liberty. It was therefore necessary to make farther alterations in it, with which Tissaphernes and the other governors made great difficulties to comply. A new treaty was however concluded, as we shall see in the sequel.

In the mean time several cities of Ionia declared for Lacedæmon, to which Alcibiades contributed very much. Agis, who was already his enemy in consequence of the injury he had received from him, could not endure the glory he had acquired; for nothing was done without the advice of Alcibiades, and it was generally said, that the success of all enterprises was owing to him. The most powerful and ambitious of the Spartans, from the same sentiments of jealousy, looked upon him with an evil eye, and at length, by their intrigues, obliged the principal magistrates to send orders into Ionia for putting him to death. Alcibiades being secretly apprised of this order, did not discontinue his services to the Lacedæmonians, but kept himself so well upon his guard, that he avoided all the snares which were laid for him.

Alcibiades, who found there was no longer any safety for him in the party of the Spartans, and who always apprehended the resentment of Agis, began to do them ill offices with Tissaphernes, to prevent his aiding them with all his forces, and ruining the Athenians entirely. He had no difficulty in bringing the Persian into his views, which were conformable to his master's interests, and to the orders he had received from him. For, ever since the famous treaty concluded under Cimon, the kings of Persia, not daring to attack the Greeks with open force, took other measures to ruin them. They endeavoured covertly to excite divisions amongst them, and to forment troubles by considerable sums of money, which they found means to convey sometimes to Athens, and sometimes to Sparta. They applied themselves so successfully to keep up a balance of power between those two republics, that the one could never entirely reduce the other. They granted them only slight aids, that could effect nothing decisive, in order to undermine them insensibly, and exhaust both parties gradually, by weakening them by the means of one another.

It is in this kind of conduct, that policy makes the ability of ministers cosist; who from the recess of their cabinets, without noise or commotion, without any great expenses, or setting numerous armies on foot, succeed in weakening the states whose power gives them umbrage, either by sowing domestic divisions among them, or by promoting the jealousy of their neighbours, in order to set them at variance with each other.

We must confess, however, that this kind of policy gives us no very favourable idea of the kings of Persia. To reduce themselves, powerful as they were, to such mean, obscure, and indirect measures, was to confess their weakness, and their inability, as they believed, to attack their enemies with open force, and to reduce them by honourable means. Besides, is it consistent with justice to employ such methods towards states, against whom there is no foundation of complaint, who live in peace under the faith of treaties, and whose sole crime is the apprehension of their being one day in a condition to do hurt? Is it lawful For his better security he threw by secret bribes, to lay snares for the fidelity of subA. M. 3593. himself into the protection of Tissa-jects, and to be the accomplice of their treasons, by Ant. J. C.411. phernes, the great king's governor putting arms into their hands against their native at Sardis, and was not long without country? seeing himself in the highest degree of credit and au

1 Three millions of livres. Thucyd. L. viii. p. 568. • Idem, p. 561-571, 572-576. Idem. p. 577-579. Plut. in Alcib. p. 204. Diod. p. 164, 165.

What glory and renown would not the kings of Persia have acquired, if, content with the vast and rich dominions which Providence had given them, they had employed their good offices, power, and even treasures, to reconcile the neighbouring states with each other; to remove their jealousies, to prevent injustice

and oppression; and if, feared and honoured by them all, they had made themselves the mediators of their differences, the security of their peace, and the guarantee of their treaties. Can any conquest, however great, be compared with such glory?

Tissaphernes acted upon other principles, and had no thought but of preventing the Greeks from being in a condition to attack the Persians, their common enemy. He therefore entered freely into the views of Alcibiades, and at the same time that he declared himself openly for the Lacedæmonians, did not fail to assist the Athenians underhand, and by a thousand secret methods; deferring the payment of the Lace. dæmonian fleet, and retarding the arrival of the Phonician ships, of which he had long kept them in hopes. He omitted no occasion of giving Alcibiades new marks of his friendship and esteem, which rendered that general equally considerable to both parties. The Athenians, who had sadly experienced the effects of having drawn his anger upon them, were not now to repent their passing sentence of condemnation upon him. Alcibiades also on his side extremely sorry to see the Athenians in so mournful a situation, began to fear that if the city of Athens were to be entirely ruined, he might fall into the hands of the Spartans, who mortally hated him.

то

SECTION II. THE RETURN OF ALCIBIADES ATHENS NEGOTIATED UPON CONDITION OF ESTABLISHING THE ARISTOCRATICAL, IN THE ROOM OF THE

DEMOCRATICAL GOVERNMENT. TISSAPHERNES CONCLUDES A NEW TREATY WITH THE LACEDÆMONIANS. THE Athenians were intent upon nothing so much as Samos, where they had all their forces. From thence with their fleet they reduced all the cities that had abandoned them under their obedience, kept the rest in their duty, and found themselves still in a condition to make head against their enemies, over whom they had obtained several advantages. But they were afraid of Tissaphernes, and the 150 Phoenician ships which he hourly expected; and rightly perceived that, if so powerful a fleet should join the enemy, there was no longer any safety for their city. Alcibiades, who was well informed of all that passed among the Athenians, sent secretly to the principal of them at Samos, to sound their sentiments, and to let them know, that he was not averse to returning to Athens, provided the administration of the republic were put into the hands of the great and powerful, and not left to the populace, who had expelled him. Some of the principal officers went from Samos, with design to concert with him the proper measures for the success of that undertaking. He promised to procure the Athenians not only the favour of Tissaphernes, but of the king himself, upon condition they would abolish the democracy or popular government; because the king would place more confidence in the engagements of the nobility, than upon those of the inconstant and capricious multitude.

The deputies lent a willing ear to these proposals, and conceived great hopes of exonerating themselves from part of the public impositions, because as they were the richest of the people, the burden lay heaviest upon them, and of making the country triumph after having possessed themselves of the government. At their return, they began by bringing over such as were most proper to share in their design; after which they caused a report to be spread amongst the troops, that the king was inclined to declare in favour of the Athenians, and to pay the army, upon condition that Alcibiades were reinstated, and the popular government abolished. That proposal surprised the soldiers, and was generally rejected at first; but the charm of gain, and the hope of change to their advantage, soon softened what was harsh and offensive in it, and even made them ardently desire the recall of Alcibiades.

1 Thucyd, 1. viii. p. 579-587. Plut, in Alcib. p. 204

206.

Phrynicus, one of their generals, rightly judging that Alcibiades cared as little for an oligarchy as he did for the democracy, and that in decrying the people's conduct, he had no other view than to acquire the favour and confidence of the nobility for his own reestablishment, had the boldness to oppose the resolutions, which were about to take place. He represented, that the change they meditated might very probably excite a civil war to the ruin of the state; that it was very unlikely that the king of Persia would prefer the alliance of the Athenians to that of the Spartans, which was so much more advantageous to him; that this change would not retain the allies in their duty, nor bring over those who had renounced it, as they would persist in preferring their liberty; that the government of a small number of rich and powerful persons would not be more favourable to either the citizens or allies than that of the people, because ambition was the great cause of all misfortunes in a republic, and the rich were the sole promoters of all troubles for the aggrandizing of themselves; that a state suffered more oppressions and violences under the rule of the nobility than under that of the people, whose authority kept the former within due bounds, and was the asylum of such as they desired to oppress; that the allies were too well acquainted with these truths from their own experience, to want any lessons upon the subject.

These remonstrances, wise as they were, had no effect. Pisander was sent to Athens with some of the same faction, to propose the return of Alcibiades, an alliance with Tissaphernes, and the abolition of the democracy. They represented that, by changing the government, and recalling Alcibiades, Athens might obtain a powerful aid from the king of Persia, which would be a certain means to triumph over Sparta. Upon this proposal great numbers exclaimed against it, and especially the enemies of Alcibiades. They alleged, amongst other reasons, the imprecations pronounced by the priests, and all the other ministers of religion, against him, and even against such as should propose to recall him. But Pisander, advancing into the midst of the assembly, demanded, whether they knew any other means to save the republic in the deplorable condition to which it was reduced: and as it was admitted there were none, he added that the preservation of the state was the question, and not the authority of the laws, which might be provided for in the sequel; but at present there was no other method for the attainment of the king's friendship and that of Tissaphernes. Though this change was very offensive to the people, they gave their consent to it at length, with the hope of re-establishing the democracy hereafter, as Pisander had promised; and they decreed that he should go with ten more deputies to treat with Alcibiades and Tissaphernes, and that in the mean time Phrynicus should be recalled, and another general appointed to command the fleet in his stead.

The deputies did not find Tissaphernes in so good a disposition as they had been made to hope. He was afraid of the Lacedæmonians, but was unwilling to render the Athenians too powerful. It was his policy, by the advice of Alcibiades, to leave the two parties always at war, in order to weaken and consume them by each other. He therefore made great

difficulties. He demanded at first that the Athe

nians should abandon all Ionia to him, and afterwards insisted upon their adding the neighbouring islands. Those demands being complied with, he farther required, in a third interview, permission to fit out a fleet, and to cruise in the Grecian seas; which had been expressly provided against in the celebrated treaty concluded with Artaxerxes. The deputies thereupon broke up the conferences with indignation, and perceived that Alcibiades had imposed upon them.

Tissaphernes, without loss of time, concluded a new treaty with the Lacedæmonians; in which, what had displeased in the two preceding treaties was retrenched. The article, which yielded to Persia the

countries in general, that had been in the actual possession of the reigning king Darius, or his predecessors, was limited to the provinces of Asia. The king engaged to defray all expenses of the Lacedæmonian fleet, in the condition it then was, till the arrival of that of Persia; after which they were to support it themselves; unless they should choose that the king should pay it, to be reinbursed after the conclusion of the war. It was farther agreed, that they should unite their forces, and continue the war, or make peace, by common consent. Tissaphernes, to keep his promise, sent for the fleet of Phoenicia. This treaty was made in the eleventh year of Darius, and the twentieth of the Peloponnesian war.

ment, sent ten deputies to Samos to gain the concur rence of the army.

All that had passed at Athens was already known there, and the news had enraged the soldiers to the highest degree. They deposed immediately several of their chiefs, whom they suspected, and put others into their places, of whom Thrasylus and Thrasybulus were the principal, and in highest credit. Alcibiades was recalled, and chosen generalissimo by the whole army. They were desirous to sail directly for the Piraeus to attack the tyrants. But he opposed it, representing that it was necessary he should first have an interview with Tissaphernes, and that as they had chosen him general, they might rely upon him for the care of the war. He set out immediately for Miletus, SECTION III.-THE WHOLE AUTHORITY OF THE His principal design was to show himself to that goATHENIAN GOVERNMENT HAVING BEEN VESTED IN vernor with all the power with which he had been in400 PERSONS, THEY MAKE A TYRANNICAL ABUSE OF vested, and to let him see that he was in a condition THEIR POWER, AND ARE DEPOSED. ALCIBIADES IS to do him much good or much harm. The conse RECALLED. AFTER VARIOUS ACCIDENTS, AND SEVE- quence of which was, that as he had kept the AtheniRAL CONSIDERABLE VICTORIES, HE RETURNS IN TRI-ans in awe by Tissaphernes, he now awed Tissaphernes

UMPH TO ATHENS, AND 18 APPOINTED GENERALIS

SIMO. HE CAUSES THE GREAT MYSTERIES TO BE

CELEBRATED, AND DEPARTS WITH THE FLEET.

From the twenty-first to the twenty-fifth year of the War. PISANDER, at his return to Athens, found the change he had proposed at his setting out much forwarded, to which he soon after put the last hand. To give a form of this new government, he caused ten commissioners with absolute power to be appointed, who were however at a certain fixed time to give the people an account of what they had done. At the expiration of that term, the general assembly was summoned, wherein their first resolution was, that every one should be admitted to make such proposals as he thought fit, without being liable to any accusation of infringing the law, or to any penalty in consequence. It was afterwards decreed, that a new counsel should be formed, with full power to administer the public affairs, and to elect new magistrates. For this purpose five presidents were established, who nominated 100 persons, including themselves. Each of these chose and associated three more at his own pleasure, which made in all 400, in whom an absolute power was lodged. But to amuse the people, and to console them with a shadow of popular government, whilst_they_instituted a real oligarchy, it was said that the Four Hundred should call a council of 5000 citizens, to assist them when they should judge it necessary. The council and assemblies of the people were held as usual: nothing was done however but by the order of the Four Hundred. The people of Athens were deprived in this manner of their liberty, which they had enjoyed almost a hundred years, after having abolished the tyranny of the Pisistratidæ.

This decree being passed without opposition, after the separation of the assembly, the Four Hundred armed with daggers, and attended by 120 young men, whom they made use of when any execution required it, entered the senate, and compelled the senators to retire, after having paid them the arrears due upon their salaries. They elected new magistrates out of their own body, observing the usual ceremonies upon such occasions. They did not think proper to recall those who were banished, lest they should be obliged to authorize the return of Alcibiades, of whose uncontrollable spirit they were apprehensive, and who would soon have made himself master of the people. Abusing their power in a tyrannical manner, some they put to death, others they banished, confiscating their estates with impunity. All who ventured to oppose this change, or even to complain of it, were butchered upon false pretexts; and those would have met with a bad reception who demanded justice of the murderThe Four Hundred, soon after their establish

ers.

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no less by the Athenians; and we shall see in the sequel that this interview was not unnecessary.

Alcibiades, upon his return to Samos, found the army more inflamed then at first. The deputies of the Four Hundred had arrived there during his absence, and had endeavoured in vain to justify the alteration made at Athens to the soldiery. Their discourses, which were often interrupted by tumultuous cries, served only to exasperate them more, and they earnestly demanded to be led against the tyrants directly. Alcibiades did not act on this occasion, as every body else would have done in consequence of having been raised to so high a dignity by the favour of the people: for he did not think himself obliged to an absolute and implicit compliance with their inclinations in every thing, though from an exile and fugitive, they had made him general of so great a fleet, and so numerous and formidable an army: but, as a statesman and great politician, he believed it his duty to oppose the blind fury that hurried them on into evident danger, and to prevent them from committing a fault which must have been attended with their utter ruin. This wise steadiness preserved the city of Athens. For had they sailed thither at first, the enemy would have made themselves masters of Ionia, the Hellespont, and all the islands, without resistance; whilst the Athenians, by carrying the war into their own city, would have exhausted their whole forces against one another. He prevented the deputies from being illtreated, and dismissed them; saying, that he did not object to the 5000 citizens having the supreme authority in the republic, but that it was necessary to depose the Four Hundred, and to re-establish the senate.

During these commotions, the Phoenician fleet, which the Lacedæmonians impatiently expected, approached, and news came that it was arrived at Aspendus.4 Tissaphernes went to meet it; nobody being able to divine the true cause of that journey. He had sent for that fleet at first to flatter the Lacedæmonians with the hopes of so powerful an aid, and to put a stop to their progress by making them wait its arrival. It was believed that his journey had the same motive; to prevent their doing any thing in his absence, and that their soldiers and mariners might disband for want of pay. However this might be, he did not bring the fleet with him, from the view, no doubt, of keeping the balance equal, which was the king of Persia's interest, and of exhausting both parties by the length of the war. For it would have been very easy for him to have put an end to it by the assistance of this additional fleet, as the Lacedæmonians alone were already as strong at sea as the Athenians. His frivolous excuse, of its not being complete, which he alleged as the reason for not bringing it with

Thucyd. 1. viii. p. 595-604. Plut, in Alcib. p. 205. Diod. p. 165. Thucyd. L. viii. p. 604. 606. A city of Pamphylia.

him, sufficiently shows that he had other motives for his conduct.

The return of the deputies without success, who had been sent to Samos, and the answer of Alcibiades, excited new troubles in the city, and gave a mortal wound to the authority of the Four Hundred. The tumult increased exceedingly, when news was brought that the enemy, after having beaten the fleet which had been sent by the Four Hundred to the aid of Euboea, had made themselves masters of the island. Athens was in the highest terror and consternation on this account. For neither the defeat in Sicily, nor any other preceding it, were of such importance as the loss of this island, from whence this city received considerable supplies, and almost all its provisions. If in the confusion in which Athens was at that time between two factions, the victorious fleet had fallen upon the port, as it might have done, the army of Samos would have been indispensably obliged to have flown to the defence of their country; and then the republic would have had only the city of Athens remaining of all its dominions. For the Hellespont, Ionia, and all the islands, seeing themselves abandoned, would have been reduced to choose a side, and go over to the Peloponnesians. But the enemy were not capable of such great designs; and this was not the first time that the Lacedæmonians had been observed to have lost their advantages by their natural slowness and procrastination.

self very opportunely, and caused him to be seized and sent prisoner to Sardis; to shelter himself by that injustice from the representations of the Lacedæmonians.

Thirty days after, Alcibiades, having found means to get a horse, escaped from his guards, and fled to Clazomenæ, where, to revenge himself on Tissaphernes, he gave out that he had set him at liberty. From Clazomenæ, he repaired to the Athenian fleet, where he was joined by Theramenes with twenty ships from Macedonia, and by Thrasybulus with twenty more from Thasos. He sailed from thence to Parium in the Propontis. All those ships, to the number of fourscore and six, being come thither, he left that place in the night, and arrived the next morning at Proconnesus, a small isle near Cyzicum. He heard there, that Mindarus was at Cyzicum with Pharnabazus and his land army. He rested that whole day at Proconnesus. On the morrow he harangued his soldiers, and represented to them the necessity there was for attacking the enemy by sea and land, and for making themselves masters of Cyzicum; demonstrating, at the same time, that without a complete and absolute victory, they could have neither provisions nor money. He had taken great care that the enemy should not be apprized of his approach. Fortunately for him, a great storm of rain and thunder, followed by a thick gloom, helped him to conceal his enterprize so successfully, that not only the enemy were prevented from perceiving that he advanced, but the Athenians themselves, whom he had caused to embark with precipitation, did not know that he had weighed anchor and put to sea.

Athens without delay deposed the Four Hundred, as the authors of all the troubles and divisions under which they groaned. Alcibiades was recalled by unanimous consent, and earnestly solicited to make all possible haste to the assistance of the city. But When the gloom was dispersed, the Lacedæmojudging, that if he returned immediately to Athens, nian fleet appeared exercising at some distance before he should owe his recall to the compassion and favour the port. Alcibiades, who was apprehensive that the of the people, he resolved to render his return glorious enemy, upon the sight of so great a number of ships, and triumphant, and to deserve it by some considera- would make for the harbour, ordered the captains to ble exploit. For this purpose, leav- keep back a little, and to follow him at a good disA. M. 3595. ing Samos with a small number of tance; and taking only forty vessels, he advanced Ant. J. C. 409. ships, he cruised about the islands towards the enemy, to offer them battle. The enemy, of Cos and Cnidos; and having deceived by this stratagem, and despising his small learned that Mindarus, the Spartan admiral, was sail-number, advanced against him, and began the fight. ing towards the Hellespont with his whole fleet, and that the Athenians were in pursuit of him, he steered that way with the utmost diligence to support them, and arrived happily with his eighteen vessels, at the time that the fleets were engaged near Abydos in a battle, which lasted till night, without any advantage on either side. His arrival gave the Spartans new courage at first, who believed him still their friend, and dispirited the Athenians. But Alcibiades, hanging out the Athenian flag in the admiral's galley, fell upon the Lacedæmonians who were strongest, and were vigorously pursuing the Athenians, put them to flight, drove them ashore; and, animated by his success, sunk the vessels, and made a great slaughter of the soldiers, who had thrown themselves into the sea to save themselves by swimming; though Pharnabazus spared no pains to assist them, and had advanced at the head of his troops to the coast, to favour their flight, and to save their ships. The Athenians after having taken thirty of their galleys, and retaken those they had lost, erected a trophy.

But when they saw the rest of the Athenian fleet come up, they immediately lost courage, and fled. Alcibiades, with twenty of his best ships, pursued them to the shore, landed, and killed a great number of them in the flight. Mindarus and Pharnabazus opposed his efforts in vain; the first, who fought with astonishing valour, he killed, and put the other to flight.

The Athenians by this victory, which made them masters of the slain, the arms, spoils, and whole fleet of the enemy, and by the taking of Cyzicum, not only possessed themselves of the Hellespont, but drove the Spartans entirely out of that sea. Letters were intercepted, in which the latter, with a conciseness truly laconic, informed the Ephori of the blow they had received, in terms to this effect: "The flower of your army is cut off; Mindarus is dead; the rest of the troops are dying with hunger; and we neither know what to do, nor what will become of us."

The news of this victory occasioned no less joy at Athens than consternation at Sparta. They despatchAlcibiades, vain of his success, had ed ambassadors immediately to demand,2 that an end A. M. 3596. the ambition to desire to appear be- should be put to a war equally destructive to both Ant. J. C. 408. fore Tissaphernes, in this triumphant people, and that a peace should be concluded upon equipage, and to make him rich pre- reasonable conditions, for the re-establisment of their sents, as well in his own, as in the name of the peo- ancient concord and amity, of which they had for ple of Athens. He went to him therefore with a many years experienced the salutary effects. The magnificent retinue, worthy of the general of the Athe-wisest and most judicious of the citizens of Athens nians. But he did not meet with the favourable reception he expected. For Tissaphernes, who knew he was accused by the Lacedæmonians, and feared that the king would punish him at length for not having executed his orders, found Alcibiades presenting him

1 Thucyd. l. viii. p. 607-614. Plut. in Alcib, p. 20610. Diod. p. 171, 172, & 175, 177, & 189—192.

were unanimously of opinion, that it was proper to take the advantage of so favourable a conjuncture for the concluding of a treaty, which might put an end to all jealousies, appease all animosities, and remove all distrusts. But those who found their advantage in the troubles of the state, prevented so happy a dispo

Diod, L. xiii. p. 177–179.

sition from taking effect. Cleophon, amongst others, | affairs and forces to the disposal of Alcibiades alone. the orator in greatest repute at that time, animated the In what a condition was Athens when he took upon people from the tribunal, by a violent and seditious him our protection and defence! We had not only discourse, insinuating, that their interests were be- almost entirely lost our power at sea, but were scarce trayed by some who kept up a secret intelligence with possessed of the suburbs of our city, and, to add to the Lacedæmonians, which aimed at depriving them our misfortunes, were torn to pieces by a horrid civil of all the advantages of the important victory they had war. He notwithstanding has raised the republic lately gained, and at making them lose for ever the from its ruins; and not content with having reinstated opportunity of being fully avenged for all the wrongs it in the possession of the sovereignty of the sea, has and misfortunes Sparta had caused them to suffer. rendered it universally victorious by land; as if the This Cleophon was a worthless fellow, a musical in- fate of Athens had been in his hands alone, either to strument maker. It was reported also that he had ruin or restore it, and victory was annexed to his perbeen a slave, and had got himself fraudulently enrolled son, and obeyed his orders." in the register of the citizens. He carried his auda- This favourable reception of Alcibiades did not precity and fury so far, as to threaten to plunge his dag-vent his demanding an assembly of the people, in orger into the throat of any one who should talk of peace.der to his justification before them; well knowing The Athenians, puffed up with their present prospe- how necessary it was for his safety to be absolved rity, forgetting their past misfortunes, and promising in due form. He appeared therefore; and after havthemselves all things from the valour and good fortune ing deplored his misfortunes, which he imputed very of Alcibiades, haughtily rejected all proposals of ac- little to the people, and entirely ascribed to his ill forcommodation, without reflecting, that there is nothing tune, and some demon envious of his prosperity, he so fluctuating and precarious as the success of war. represented to them the designs of the enemy, and The ambassadors retired without being able to effect exhorted them not to conceive other than great hopes. any thing. Such infatuation and irrational pride are The Athenians, transported with hearing him speak, generally the forerunners of some great misfortune. decreed him crowns of gold, appointed him general Alcibiades knew well how to take advantage of the by sea and land with unlimited power, restored him victory he had gained, and presently after besieged all his fortunes, and ordered the Eumolpida and CeChalcedon, which had revolted from the Athenians ryces to absolve him from the curses they had proand received a Lacedæmonian garrison. During this nounced against him by the order of the people; siege, he took another town, called Selymbria. Phar- doing their utmost to make him amends for the injury nabazus, terrified by the rapidity of his conquests, and shame of his banishment by the glory of his recall, made a treaty with the Athenians to this effect; "That and to efface the remembrance of the imprecations Pharnabazus should pay them a certain sum of money; themselves had decreed, by the vows and prayers that the Chalcedonians should return to their obedi- which they made in his favour. Whilst all the Euence and dependence upon the Athenians, and pay mołpidæ and Ceryces were employed in revoking them tribute; and that the Athenians should commit these imprecations, Theodorus, the principal of them, no hostilities in the province of Pharnabazus, who had the courage to say: As for me, I have not cursed engaged for the safe conduct of their ambassadors to him, if he has done no evil to his country; insinuating the great king." Byzantium and several other cities by that bold expression, that the maledictions, being submitted to the Athenians. conditional, could not fall upon the head of the innocent, nor be averted from the guilty.

Alcibiades, who desired with the A. M. 3597. utmost passion to see his country Ant. J. C. 407. again, or rather to be seen by his country, after so many victories over their enemies, set out for Athens. The sides of his ships were covered with bucklers and all sorts of spoils, in form of trophies; and causing a great number of vessels to be towed after him by way of triumph, he displayed also the ensigns and ornaments of those he had burnt, which were more in number than the others; the whole amounting to about 200 ships. It is said, that reflecting on what had been done against him, upon approaching the port, he was struck with some terror, and was afraid to quit his vessel, till he saw from the deck a great number of his friends and relations, who were come to the shore to receive him, and earnestly entreated him to land.

The people came out of the city in crowds to meet him, and at his appearance set up incredible shouts of joy. In the midst of an infinite number of officers and soldiers, all eyes were fixed solely on him, whom they considered as Victory itself, descended from the skies: all thronging around him, caressed, blessed, and crowned him in emulation of each other. Those, who could not approach him, were never tired with contemplating him at a distance, whilst the old men showed him to their children. They repeated with the highest praises all the great actions he had done for his country; nor could they refuse their admiration even to those which he had done against it during his banishment, of which they imputed the fault to themselves alone. This public joy was mingled with tears and regret, from the remembrance of past misfortunes, which they could not avoid comparing with their present felicity. "We could not have failed," said they; "of the conquest of Sicily; our other hopes could never have proved abortive, if we had intrusted all our

Esch, in Orat, de fals. legat.

In the midst of this glory and shining prosperity of Alcibiades, the majority of the people could not help being concerned, when they considered the time of his return. For it happened precisely upon the day when the Athenians celebrated a festival in honour of Minerva, adored under the name of Agraulis. The priests took off all the ornaments from the Goddess's statue to wash it-from whence that feast was called Пvvrýpia-and afterwards covered it; and that day was accounted one of the most ominous and unfortunate. It was the 25th of the month Thargelion, which answers to the 2d of July. This circumstance displeased that superstitious people, because it seemed to imply that the goddess, patroness and protectress of Athens, did not receive Alcibiades agreeably and with a benign aspect, since she covered and concealed herself, as if she would keep him off and remove him from her.

All things having however succeeded according to his wish, and the 100 ships he was to command being ready, he deferred his departure out of a laudable ambition to celebrate the great mysteries; for from the time the Lacedæmonians had fortified Decilia, and taken possession of all the ways from Athens to Eleusis, the feast had not been solemnized in all its pomp, and the procession had been obliged to go by

sea.

Alcibiades believed it would be a most glorious action, and draw down upon him the blessings of the gods and the praises of men, if he restored all its lustre and solemnity to this feast, in making the procession

Athens who had different functions in the mysteries of The Eumolpida and Ceryces were two families at Ceres. They took their names from Eumolpus and Ceryx, the first who had exercised those offices. Perhaps the em ployment of the latter had some relation to that of herald

Κήρυκες.

Plut, in Alcib. p. 210.

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