He had the fate generally experienced by persons of his character, and of which they cannot reasonably complain. He never loved any one, himself being his sole motive; nor ever found a friend. He made it his merit and glory to cajole all men, and consequently nobody confided in, or adhered to, him. His sole view was to live with splendour, and to domineer universally; and he perished miserably, abandoned by the whole world, and obliged at his death to the feeble services and impotent zeal of one only woman for the last honours rendered to his remains. About this time died Democritus the philosopher. SECTION II.-THE THIRTY masters, that they were inevitably ruined if they did | might not be at leisure to examine, censure, and connot find means to rid themselves of Alcibiades. The demn his conduct. Lacedæmonians thereupon wrote to Pharnabazus, and with an abject meanness not to be excused, and which showed how much Sparta had degenerated from her ancient manners, pressed him with great earnestness to deliver them at any rate from so formidable an enemy. The satrap complied with their wish. Alcibiades was then in a small town of Phrygia, where he lived with his concubine Timandra. Those who were sent to kill him, not daring to enter his house, contented themselves with surrounding and setting it on fire. Alcibiades, having quitted it through the flames sword in hand, the Barbarians were afraid to stay to come to blows with him, but flying and retreating as he advanced, they poured their darts and arrows upon him, and he fell dead upon the spot. Timandra took up his body, and having adorned and covered it with the finest robes she had, she made as magnificent a funeral for it as her present condition would admit. Such was the end of Alcibiades, whose great virtues were stifled and suppressed by still greater vices. It is not easy to say, whether his good or bad qualities were most pernicious to his country; for with the one he deceived, and with the other he oppressed it. In him distinguished valour was united with nobility of blood. His person was beautiful and finely made; he was eloquent, of great ability in business, insinuating, and formed for charming all mankind. He loved glory, but without prejudice to his inclination for pleasure; nor was he so fond of pleasure, as to neglect his glory for it. He knew how to give into, or abstract himself from it, according to the situation of his affairs. Never was there ductility of genius equal to his. He metamorphosed himself with incredible facility, like a Proteus, into the most contrary forms, and supported them all with as much ease and grace, as if each had been natural to him. This convertibility of character, according as circumstances, the customs of countries, and his own interests required, discovers a heart void of principles, without either truth or justice. He did not confine himself either to religion, virtue, laws, duties, or his country. His sole rule of action was his private ambition, to which he referred every thing. His aim was to please, to dazzle, and be beloved; but at the same time to subject those he soothed. He favoured them only as they served his purposes; and made his correspondence and society a means for engrossing every thing to himself. His life was a perpetual mixture of good and evil. His sallies into virtue were ill sustained, and quickly degenerated into vices and crimes, very little to the honour or the instructions of that great philosopher, who took no small pains to cultivate him into a man of worth. His actions were glorious; but without rule or principle. His character was elevated and grand; but without connection and consistency. He was successively the support and terror of the Lacedæmonians and Persians. He was either the misfortune or refuge of his own country, according as he declared for or against it. In fine, he was the author of a destructive war through the whole of Greece, from the sole motive of commanding, by inducing the Athenians to besiege Syracuse; much less from the hope of conquering Sicily, and afterwards Africa, than with the design of keeping Athens in dependence upon himself; convinced, that having to deal with an inconstant, suspicious, ungrateful, jealous people, averse to those that governed, it was necessary to engage them continually in some great affair, in order to make his services always necessary to them, and that they EXERCISE THE MOST HORRID CRUELTIES AT ATHENS. THEY PUT THE- THE Council of Thirty, established at Athens by Lysander, committed the most execrable cruelties. Upon pretence of restraining the multitude within their duty, and of preventing seditions, they had caused guards to be assigned them, and armed 3000 of the citizens for that service, and at the same time disarmed all the rest. The whole city was in the utmost terror and dismay. Whoever opposed their injustice and violence became the victims of them. Riches were a crime that never failed of drawing a sentence upon their owners, always followed with death, and the confiscation of estates, which the thirty tyrants divided amongst themselves. They put more people to death, says Xenophon, in eight months of peace, than the enemies had done in a war of thirty years. The two most considerable persons of the Thirty were Critias and Theramenes, who at first lived in great union, and always acted in concert with each other. The latter had some honour, and loved his country. When he saw with what an excess of violence and cruelty his colleagues behaved, he declared openly against them, and thereby drew their resentment upon him. Critias became his most mortal enemy, and acted as informer against him before the senate, accusing him of disturbing the tranquillity of the state, and of designing to subvert the present government. As he perceived that the defence of Theramenes was heard with silence and approbation, he was afraid, that if the affair was left to the decision of the senate, they would acquit him. Having therefore caused a band of young men, whom he had armed with poinards, to advance to the bar, he said that he thought it the duty of a supreme magistrate to prevent justice from being abused, and that he should act conformabiy upon this occasion. "But," continued he, "as the law does not permit, that any of the 3000 should be put to death without the consent of the senate, I exclude Theramenes from that number, and condemn him to die in virtue of my own and my colleagues' authority." Theramenes at these words, leaping upon the altar; "I demand," said he," Athenians, that I may be tried according to the laws; which cannot be refused me without manifest injustice. Not that I imagine, that the goodness of my cause will avail me any thing, or the sanction of altars protect me; but I would show at least, that my enemies respect neither the gods nor men. What most astonishes me is, that persons of your wisdom do not see, that your own names may as easily be struck out of the list of citizens, as that of Theramenes." Critias upon this ordered the officers of justice to pull him down from the altar. A universal silence and terror ensued the senate. Of all the senators, Socrates alone, whose upon the sight of the armed soldiers, that surrounded Xenoph. Hist. 1. ii. p. 462-479. Diod. L. xiv. p. 23 236. Justin. 1. v. c. 8. 10. disciple Theramenes had been, took upon him his defence, and oposed the officers of justice. But his weak endeavours could not deliver Theramenes, who was led to the place of execution, notwithstanding all he could do, through crowds of the citizens, who saw with tears, in the fate of a man, equally considerable for his love of liberty and the great services he had done his country, what they had to fear for themselves. When they presented him the hemlock, that is, the poison (which was the manner of putting the citizens at Athens to death,) he took it with an intrepid air, and after having drunk it, he poured the bottom upon the table, after the usual manner observed in feasts or public rejoicings, saying, "This for the noble Critias." Xenophon relates this circumstance, inconsiderable in itself, to show, says he, the tranquillity of Theramenes in his last moments. of Syracuse, who had been banished by the Thirty, raised 500 soldiers at his own expense, and sent them to the aid of the common country of eloquence. Thrasybulus lost no time. After having taken Phyla, a small fort in Attica, he marched to the Piraeus, of which he made himself master. The Thirty flew thither with their troops, and a warm battle ensued. But as the soldiers on one side fought with valour and vigour for their liberty, and on the other with indolence and indifference for the power of others, the success was not doubtful, but followed the better cause. The tyrants were overthrown. Critias was killed upon the spot. And as the rest of the army were taking to flight, Thrasybulus cried out; "Wherefore do you fly from me as from a victor, rather than assist me as the avenger of your liberty? We are not enemies, but fellow-citizens; nor have we declared war against the city, but against the thirty tyrants." He bade them remember, that they had the same origin, country, laws, and religion; he exhorted them to compassionate their exiled brethren, to restore their country to them, and resume their liberty themselves. This discourse made a due impression. The army upon their return to Athens, expelled the Thirty, and substituted ten persons to govern in their room, whose conduct proved no better than that of the former. The tyrants, delivered from a colleague whose presence alone was a continued reproach to them, no longer observed any measures. Nothing passed throughout the city but imprisonments and murders.1 Every body trembled for themselves or their friends. The general desolation had no remedy, nor was there any hope of regaining their liberty. Where had they then as many Harmodiuses2 as they had tyrants? Terror had taken entire possession of their minds, whilst the whole city deplored in secret their loss of It is a matter of surprise, that so sudden, so univerliberty, without having one amongst them generous sal, so tenacious, and so uniform a conspiracy against enough to attempt breaking its chains. The Athe- the public good, should always actuate the several bonian people seemed to have lost that valour, which, dies of persons established in the administration of this till then had made them awful and terrible to their government. This we have seen in the Four Hundred neighbours and enemies. They seemed to have lost formerly chosen at Athens; again in the Thirty; and the very use of speech; not daring to vent the least now in the Ten. And what augments our wonder is, complaint, lest it should be made a capital crime in that this passion for tyranny should so immediately them. Socrates alone continued intrepid. He con- possess republicans, born in the bosom of liberty, acsoled the afflicted senate, animated the desponding customed to an equality of condition on which it is citizens, and set all men an admirable example of founded, and nurtured from their earliest infancy in an courage and resolution; preserving his liberty, and abhorrence of all subjection and dependency. There sustaining his part in the midst of thirty tyrants, who must be, on the one side, in power and authority made all else tremble, but could never shake the some violent impulse, to actuate in this manner so constancy of Socrates with their menaces. Critias,3 many persons, of whom many, no doubt, were not who had been his pupil, was the first to declare most without sentiments of virtue and honour; and to openly against him, taking offence at the free and bold banish so suddenly the principles and manners natudiscourses which he held against the government of ral to them: and on the other an excessive propensity the Thirty. He went so far as to prohibit his instruct-in the mind of man to subject his equals, and to rule ing the youth; but Socrates, who neither acknowledged his authority, nor feared the violent effects of it, paid no regard to so unjust an order. over them imperiously, to carry him on to the last extremities of oppression and cruelty, and to make him forget at once all the laws of nature and religion. All the citizens of any consideration in Athens, The Thirty being fallen from their power and hopes, and who still retained a love of liberty, quitted a place sent deputies to Lacedæmon to demand aid. It reduced to so harsh and shameful a slavery, and was not Lysander's fault, who was sent to them sought elsewhere an asylum and retreat, where they with troops, that the tyrants were not re-established. might live in safety. At the head of these was Thra- But king Pausanias who likewise marched against sybulus, a person of extraordinary merit, who beheld Athens, moved with compassion for the deplo with the most lively affliction the miseries of his coun- rable condition to which a city, once so flourishing, try. The Lacedaemonians had the inhumanity to was reduced, had the generosity to favour the Atheendeavour to deprive those unhappy fugitives of this nians in secret, and at length obtained a peace last resource. They published an edict to prohibit for them. It was sealed with the blood of the tyrants, the cities of Greece from giving them refuge, decreed who, having taken arms to reinstate themselves in the that they should be delivered up to the thirty tyrants, government, and being present at a parley for that and condemned all such as should contravene the purpose, were all put to the sword, and left Athens in execution of this edict, to pay a fine of five talents. the full possession of its liberty, All the exiles were Only two cities rejected with disdain so unjust an recalled. Thrasybulus at that time proposed the ordinance, Megara and Thebes; the latter of which celebrated amnesty, by which the citizens engaged made a decree to punish all persons whatsoever, that upon oath that all past transactions should be buried should see an Athenian attacked by his enemies with-in oblivion. The government was re-established upon out doing his utmost to assist him. Lysias, an orator 1 Poteratne civitas illa conquiescere, in quâ tot tyranni erant, quot satellites essent? Ne spes quidem ulla recipiendæ libertatis animis poterat offerri, nec ulli remedio locus apparebat contra tantum vim malorum. Unde enim miseræ civitati tot Harmodios? Socrates tamen in medio erat, et lugentes patres consolabatur, et desperantes de republicâ exhortabatur-et imitari volentibus magnum circumferebat exemplar, cum inter triginta dominos liber incederet, Senec, de tranquil, anim, c. iii. 2 Harmodius formed a conspiracy for the deliverance of Athens from the tyranny of the Pisistratida. Xenoph. Memorab. 1. 1. p. 716, 717 its ancient foundation, the laws restored to their pristine vigour, and magistrates elected with the usual forms. I cannot forbear observing in this place the wisdom and moderation of Thrasybulus, so salutary and essential after so long a continuance of domestic troubles. This is one of the finest events in ancient history, worthy of the Athenian lenity and benevolence, and has served as a model to successive ages in good governments. Quingentos milites, stipendio suo instructos, in auxilium patriæ communis eloquentia misit. Justin. 1. v. c. 9 • Vi dominationis convulsus. Tacit. Never had tyranny been more cruel and bloody than that which the Athenians had just thrown off. Every house was in mourning; every family bewailed the loss of some relation. It had been a series of public robbery and rapine, in which license and impunity had authorized all manner of crimes. Private individuals seemed to have a right to demand the blood of all accomplices in such notorious malversations, and even the interest of the state appeared to authorize such a claim, that by exemplary severities such enormous crimes might be prevented for the future. But Thrasybulus rising above those sentiments, from the superiority of his more extensive genius, and the views of a more discerning and profound policy, foresaw, that by acquiescing in the punishment of the guilty, eternal seeds of discord and enmity would remain, to weaken, by domestic divisions, the strength of the republic, which it was necessary to unite against the common enemy, and occasion the loss to the state of a great number of citizens, who might render it important services with the very view of making amends for past misbehaviour. ble. He applies the same reflection to the Lacedæ monians; who, after having made themselves masters of Greece by a wise and moderate conduct, fell from that glory, through the severity, haughtiness, and injustice, with which they treated their allies. There is doubtless no reader, whom their abject and cruel jealousy in regard to Athens enslaved and humbled, has not prejudiced against them; nor do we recognise in such behaviour the greatness of mind and noble generosity of ancient Sparta; so much power has the lust of dominion and prosperity over even virtuous men. Diodorus concludes his reflection with a maxim very true, though very little known: "The greatness and majesty of princes," says he (and the same may be said of all persons in high authority,)" can be supported only by humanity and justice with regard to their subjects; as, on the contrary, they are ruined and destroyed by a cruel and oppressive government, which never fails to draw upon them the hatred of their people." SECTION III.—LYSANDER abuses his power in AN EXTRAORDINARY MANNER. HE IS RECALLED TO As Lysander had the greatest share in the celebrated exploits,5 which had raised the glory of the Lacedæmonians to so high a pitch; so had he acquired a degree of power and authority of which there had been no example before in Sparta; but he suffered himself to be carried away by a presumption and vanity still greater than his power. He permitted the Grecian cities to dedicate altars to him as to a god, and to offer sacrifices, and sing hymns and odes in honour of him. The Samians ordained by a public decree, that the feasts celebrated in honour of Juno, and which bore the name of that goddess, should be called the feasts of Lysander. He had always a crowd of poets about him (who are often a tribe of venal flatterers,) that vied with each other in singing his great exploits, for which they were magnificently paid. Praise is undoubtedly due to noble deeds; but it diminishes their lustre when either extravagant or purchased. Such a conduct after great troubles in a state has always seemed, to the ablest politicians, the most certain and ready means to restore the public peace and tranquillity. Cicero, when Rome was divided into two factions upon the occasion of Cæsar's death, who had been killed by the conspirators, calling to mind this celebrated amnesty, proposed, after the example of the Athenians, to bury all that had passed in eternal oblivion. Cardinal Mazarin2 observed to Don Lewis de Haro, prime minister of Spain, that this gentle and humane conduct in France had prevented the troubles and revolts of that kingdom from having any fatal consequences, and "that the king had not lost a foot of land by them to that day;" whereas, the inflexible severity of the Spaniards" was the occasion, that the subjects of that monarchy, whenever they threw off the mask, never returned to their obedience but by the force of arms; which sufficiently appears," says he, "in the example of the Hollanders, who are in the peaceable possession of many provinces, that not an age ago were the patrimony of the king of Spain." This sort of vanity and ambition, had he stopped Diodorus Siculus takes occasion, from the thirty ty- there, would have hurt only himself, by exposing him rants of Athens,3 whose immoderate ambition in- to envy and contempt; but a natural consequence of duced them to treat their country with the most ex-it was, that through his arrogance and pride, in concessive cruelties, to observe how unfortunate it is for persons in power to want a sense of honour, and to disregard either the present opinion, or the judgment which posterity will form of their conduct: for from the contempt of reputation the transition is too common to that of virtue itself. They may perhaps, by the dread of their power, suppress for some time the public voice, and impose a forced silence upon censure; but the more constraint they lay upon it during their lives, the more liberal will it be after their deaths of complaints and reproaches, and the more infamy and imputation will be affixed to their memories. The power of the Thirty, says he, was of a very short duration, but their infamy will be immortal; their memory will be held in abhorrence throughout all ages, whilst their names will be recorded in history only to render them odious, and to make their crimes detesta In ædem Telluris convocati sumus; in quo templo, quantum in me fuit, jeci fundamentum pacis; Atheniensiumque renovavi vetus exemplum, Græcum etiam* verbum usurpavi, quod tum in sedandis discordiis usurpaverat civitas illa; atque omnem memoriam discordiarum oblivione sempiternâ defendam censui Philip, i, n. i. * Some believe that word was duvnoría; but as it is not found in the historians who have treated this fact, it is more likely that it was μη μνησικακήσειν, which has the same sense, and is used by them all. 'Let XV. of Card, Maz. Diod. 1. xiv. p. 234. Cætera principibus statim adesse: unum insatiabiliter parandum, prosperam sui memoriam; nam contemptâ famâ, contemni virtutes-Quo magis socordiam eorum inridere libet, qui præsenti potentia credunt extingui posse etiam sequentis ævi memoriam-suum cuique decus posteritas rependit. Tacit. Annal, 1. iv. c. 30. & 35. junction with the incessant flatteries of those around him, he carried the spirit of command and authority to an insupportable excess, and observed no longer any measures either in rewarding or punishing. The absolute government of cities with tyrannic power were the fruits of his friendship, or of the ties of hospitality with him; and only the death of those he hated could put an end to his resentment and displeasure, without its being possible to escape his vengeance. What Sylla caused to be inscribed upon his tomb, might with equal propriety have been engraved upon Lysander's: that no man had ever surpassed him in doing good to his friends, or evil to his enemies. Treachery and perjury cost him nothing whenever they promoted his designs; nor was he less cruel than revengeful; of which, what he did at Miletus was a sufficient proof. Apprehending that the leaders of the popular party would escape him, he swore not to do them any hurt. Those unfortunate persons gave credit to his oath, and no sooner appeared in public, than they were put to the sword with his consent, by the nobility, who killed them all, though no less than 800. The number of those on the side of the people, whom he caused to be massacred in the other cities, is incredible; for he did not only destroy to satiate his own individual resentments, but to serve in all places the enmity, malice, and avarice of his friends, whom of their enemies. he supported in gratifying their passions by the death There was no kind of injustice and violence which the people did not suffer under the government of Ly Plut. in Lys. p. 443-445. sander; whilst the Lacedæmonians, who were sufficiently informed of his conduct, gave themselves no trouble to correct it. It is too common for those in power to be little affected with the vexations and oppressions laid upon persons of low condition and credit, and to turn a deaf ear to their just complaints; though authority is principally confided to them for the defence of the weak and poor, who have no other protectors. But if such remonstrances are made by a great or powerful person, from whom they may have any thing to hope or fear, the same authority that was slow and drowsy, becomes immediately active and officious; a certain proof that it is not the love of justice that actuates it: this appears here in the conduct of the Lacedæmonian magistrates. Pharnabazus, weary of Lysander's repeated enormities, who ravaged and pillaged the provinces under his command, having sent ambassadors to Sparta, to complain of the wrongs he had received from that general, the Ephori recalled him. Lysander was at that time in the Hellespont. The letter of the Ephori threw him into great consternation. As he principally feared the complaints and accusations of Pharnabazus, he made all the haste he could to come to an explanation with him from the hopes of softening him, and making his peace. He went for that purpose to him, and desired, that he would write another letter to the Ephori, intimating that he was satisfied with his conduct. But Lysander, says Plutarch, in such an application to Pharnabazus, forgot the proverb, Set a thief to catch a thief. The satrap promised all he desired, and accordingly wrote such a letter in Lysander's presence as he had requested, but he had prepared another to a quite different effect. When he was to seal it, as both letters were of the same size and form, he dexterously put that he had written in secret into the place of the other, without being observed, which he sealed and gave him. Lysander departed well satisfied, and being arrived at Sparta, alighted at the palace where the senate was assembled, and delivered Pharnabazus's letter to the Ephori. But he was strangely surprised when he heard the contents, and withdrew in extreme confusion and disorder. Some days after he returned to the senate, and told the Ephori, that he was obliged to go to the temple of Ammon to acquit himself of the sacrifices he had vowed to that god before his battles. That pilgrimage was no more than a pretence to conceal the pain it gave him to live as a private person in Sparta, and to submit to the yoke of obeying; he, who till then had always governed. Accustomed long to command armies, and to the flattering distinctions of a kind of sovereignty exercised by him in Asia, he could not endure that mortifying equality which put him on a level with the multitude, nor reduce himself to the simplicity of a private life. Having obtained permission, not without great difficulties, he embarked. As soon as he was gone, the kings, reflecting that he held all the cities in dependence upon himself, by the means of the governors and magistrates who had been established by him, and who were also indebted to him for their unlimited authority, and that he was thereby effectually lord and master of all Greece, applied themselves vigorously to restore the government of the people, and to depose all his creatures and friends from any share in it. This alteration occasioned great tumults at first. About the same time, Lysander, being apprized of the design of Thrasybulus to re-establish the liberty of his country, returned with the utmost diligence to Sparta, and endeavoured to engage the Lacedæmonians to support the party of the nobility at Athens. We have before observed, that Pausanias, from a more noble spirit of equity and generosity, gave peace to Athens, and by that means, says Plutarch, clipped the wings of Lysander's ambition. 1 The Greek is, Cretan against Cretan, as the people of Crete passed for the greatest cheats and liars in the world. VOL. I.—41 CHAPTER II. THE YOUNGER CYRUS, WITH THE AID OF THE GRECIAN ANTIQUITY has few events so memorable as those I am about to relate in this place. We see on one side a young prince, in other respects abounding with excellent qualities, but abandoned to his violent ambition, carrying war from a distance against his brother and sovereign, and going to attack him almost in his of his crown and life; we see him, I say, fall dead in own palace, with the view of depriving him at once the battle at the feet of that brother, and terminate, by so unhappy a fate, an enterprise equally glaring and criminal. On the other hand, the Greeks who follow him, destitute of all succour after the loss of their chiefs, without allies, provisions, money, cavalry, or archers, reduced to less than 10,000 men, with no resolely by the ardent desire of preserving their liberty, source but in their own persons and valour, supported and of returning to their native countries; these Greeks, with bold and intrepid resolution, make their retreat before a victorious army of 1,000,000 of men, traverse five or six hundred leagues, notwithstanding vast rivers and innumerable defiles, and arrive at last in their own country, through a thousand fierce and barbarous nations, victorious over all obstacles in their way, and over all the dangers which either concealed fraud or open force reduce them to undergo. most experienced military men, is the boldest and best This retreat, in the opinion of the best judges and conducted exploit to be found in ancient history, and is deemed a perfect model in its kind. Happily for us it is described with the utmost minuteness by an historian, who was not only eye-witness of the facts he relates, but the first mover, the soul of this great enterprise. I shall only abridge his history, and abstract its most material circumstances; but I cannot omit advising young persons who make arms their profession, to consult the original, of which there is a good beauties of the text. It is very difficult to meet with translation extant, though far short of the admirable a more able master than Xenophon in the art of war, of Phoenix the governor of Achilles,3 "That he was to whom may be well applied here what Homer says equally capable of forming his pupil for eloquence or arms." Μύθων τε ῥητῆρ ̓ ἔμεναι, πρηκτῆρά τε ἔργων. RAISES TROOPS SECRETLY A. M. 3600. Ant. J. C. 404. We have already said, that young Cyrus, son of Darius Nothus and Parysatis, saw with pain his elder brother Artaxerxes upon the throne, and that at the very time the latter was taking possession of it, he had attempted to deprive him of his crown and life together. Artaxerxes was not insensible of what he had to fear from a brother of his enterprising and ambitious spirit, but could not refuse pardoning him to the prayers and tears of his mother Parysatis, who doted upon this youngest son. sent him therefore into Asia to his government; confiding to him, contrary to all the rules of policy, an absolute authority over the provinces left him by the will of the king his father. He A. M. 3601. Ant. J. C. 403. As soon as he arrived there, his thoughts were solely intent upon revenging the affront he supposed he had received from his brother, and to dethrone him. He received all that came from the court with great favour and affability, to induce them insensibly to quit the king's party and adhere to him. He gained also the hearts of the Barbarians under his government; familiarizing himself with them, and mingling with the common soldiery, though without forgetting the dignity of the general; and these he forined by various exercises for service in war. He applied particularly to raise secretly in several places, and upon different pretexts, a body of Grecian troops, upon whom he relied much more than upon those of the Barbarians. Clearchus retired to his court after having been banished from Sparta, and was of great service to him, being an able, experienced, and valiant captain. At the same time several cities in the provinces under the government of Tissaphernes revolted from their obedience, and placed themselves under the jurisdiction of Cyrus. This incident, which was not an effect of chance, but of the secret intrigues of that prince, gave birth to a war between them. Cyrus, under the pretence of arming against Tissaphernes, assembled troops with less reserve; and to amuse the court the more speciously, sent grievous complaints to the king against that governor, demanded his protection and aid in the most submissive manner. Artaxerxes was deceived by these appearances, and believed that all Cyrus's preparations were directed against Tissaphernes alone, and continued quiet from the assurance of having nothing to apprehend for himself. A. M. 3602. Ant. J. C. 402. such a confidence could not but incline them the more in his favour. In the letter he wrote them, he spoke of himself in very magnificent terms. He told them he had a greater and more royal heart than his brother; that he was better versed in the philosophy and in the knowledge of the Magi,2 and that he could drink more wine without being disordered in his senses; a very meritorious quality amongst the Barbarians, but not so proper to recommend him to the good opinion of those to whom he was writing. The Lacedæmonians sent orders to their fleet to join that of the prince immediately, and to obey the commands of Tamos his admiral in all things, but without the least mention of Artaxerxes, or seeming in any manner privy to his design. They thought that precaution necessary for their justification with Artaxerxes,3 in case affairs should happen to terminate in his favour. The troops of Cyrus, according to the review afterwards made, consisted of 13,000 Greeks, which were the flower and chief force of his army, and 100,000 regular troops of the barbarous nations. Clearchus, the Lacedæmonian, commanded all the Peloponnesian troops, except the Achæans, who had Socrates of Achaia for their leader. The Baotians were under Proxenus the Theban, and the Thessalians under Menon. The Barbarians had Persian generals, of whom the chief was Ariaus. The fleet consisted of thirty-five ships under Pythagoras the Lacedæmonian, and twenty-five commanded by Tamos the Egyp tian, admiral of the whole fleet. It followed the land army, coasting along near the shore. Cyrus had opened his design to Clearchus alone of all the Greeks, foreseeing aright that the length and boldness of the enterprise could not fail of discouraging and dismaying the officers, as well as soldiers. He made it his sole application to gain their affections during the march, by treating them with kindness and humanity, conversing freely with them, and giving effectual orders that they should want for nothing. Proxenus, between whose family and Xenophon's an ancient friendship subsisted, presented that young Athenian to Cyrus, who received him very favoura bly,5 and gave him an employment in his army amongst the Greeks. He set out from Sardis at length, and marched towards the upper provinces of Asia. The troops knew neither the occasion of the war, nor into what countries they were going. Cyrus had only caused it to be given out, that he was carrying his arms against the Pisidians, who had infested his province by their incursions. Cyrus knew well how to take advantage of the imprudent security and indolence of his brother, which some people conceived the effect of his goodness and humanity. And indeed in the beginning of his reign he seemed to imitate the virtues of the first Artaxerxes, whose name he bore. For he demeaned himself with great mildness and affability to such as approached him; he honoured and rewarded magnificently, all those whose services had merited favour; when he passed sentence of punishment, it was without either outrage or insult; and when he made presents, it was with a gracious air, and such engaging manners, as infinitely exalted their value, and implied, that he was never better pleased than when he had an opportunity of doing good to his subjects. To all these excellent qualities he ought to have added one no less royal, and which would have put him upon his guard against Tissaphernes, rightly judging that all these prepa the enterprises of a brother, whose character he ought rations were too great for so insignificant an enterto have known; I mean a wise foresight, that pene-prise as against Pisidia, had set out post from Miletus trates the future, and renders a prince attentive to prevent or frustrate whatever may disturb the tranquillity of the state. The emissaries of Cyrus at the court were perpetually dispersing reports and opinions amongst the people, to prepare their minds for the intended change and revolt. They said that the state required a king of Cyrus's character; a king, magnificent, liberal, who loved war, and showered his favours upon those that served him; and that it was necessary for the grandeur of the empire to have a prince upon the throne fired with ambition and valour, for the support and augmentation of its glory. The young prince lost no time on A. M. 3603. his side, and hastened the execution Ant. J. C. 401. of his great design. He was then only twenty-three years old at most. After the important services he had done the Lacedæmonians, without which they had never obtained the victories that had made them masters of Greece, he thought he might safely open himself to them. He therefore imparted to them the present situation of his affairs, and the end ne had in view; convinced that 1 Plut. in Artax. p. 1013. to give the king an account of them. This news occasioned great trouble at court. Parysatis, the mother of Artaxerxes and Cyrus, was looked upon as the principal cause of this war; and all persons in her service and interest were suspected of holding intelligence with Cyrus. Statira especially, the reigning queen, reproached her incessantly in the most violent terms. "Where is now," said she to her, "that faith you have so often engaged for your son's behaviour? Where those ardent prayers you employed to preserve from death that conspirator against his king and brother? It is your unhappy fondness that has kindled this war, and plunged us into an abyss of misfortunes." The antipathy and hatred of the two queens for each other were already very great, and were still more inflamed by such warm reproaches. We shall see what the consequences were. Artaxerxes assembled a numerous army to receive his brother. |