vernors. He even admitted her into his council, and treated her with such a distinction as might have excited jealousy, if the modesty and affability of that lady had not prevented bad effects, by throwing in a manner a veil over all her perfections, which softened their lustre, and let them only occasionally appear as objects of admiration.

The provinces of the Persian monarchy, of which several, situate at the extremity of the empire, required too much application to be governed immediately by the prince, were confided to the care of the great lords commonly called satraps. They had each of them in their government an almost sovereign authority, and were, properly speaking, not unlike the viceroys we see in our days in some neighbouring states. They were supplied with a number of troops sufficient for the defence of the country. They appointed all officers, disposed of the governments of cities, and were charged with levying and remitting the tributes to the prince. They had power to raise troops, to treat with neighbouring states, and even with the generals of the enemy-in a word, to do every thing necessary to maintain good order and tranquillity in their governments. They were independent of one another; and though they served the same master, and it was their duty to concur to the same ends, nevertheless, each being more interested in the particular advantage of his own province than in the general good of the empire, they often differed among themselves, formed opposite designs, refused aid to their colleagues in necessity, and sometimes even acted entirely against them. The remoteness of the court, and the absence of the prince, gave room for these dissensions; and perhaps a secret policy contributed to keep them up, to elude or prevent conspiracies, which too good an understanding amongst the governors might have excited.

She had no enemies but in her own family. Midias, her son-in-law, stung with the reproach of suffering a woman to command in his place, and abusing the entire confidence she reposed in him, which gave him access to her at all times, strangled her with her son. After her death, he seized two fortresses, wherein she had secured her treasures: the other cities declared against him. He did not long enjoy the fruits of his crime. Dercyllidas happily arrived at this juncture. All the fortresses of Eolia, either voluntarily or by force, surrendered to him, and Midias was deprived of the possessions he had so unjustly acquired. The Lacedæmonian general having granted Pharnabazus a truce, took up his winter quarters in Bithynia, to avoid being chargeable to his allies.

The next year, 2 being continued in the command, he crossed over A. M. 3606. into Thrace, and arrived in the Ant. J. C. 398. Chersonesus. He knew that the deputies of the country had been at Sparta, to represent the necessity of fortifying the isthmus with a good wall, against the frequent incursions of the barbarians, which prevented the cultivation of the lands. Having measured the space, which is more than a league in breadth, he distributed the work amongst the soldiers, and the wall was finished in the autumn of the same year. Within this space were enclosed eleven cities, several ports, a great number of arable lands, and plantations, with pastures of all kinds. The work being finished, he returned into Asia, where he reviewed the cities, and found them all in good condition.

Zenis, the Dardanian, had governed that province under that satrap's authority; and as after his death it was to have been given to another, Mania, his widow, went to Pharnabazus with troops and presents, and told him, that having been the wife of a man who had rendered him great services, she desired him not to deprive her of her husband's reward; that she would serve him with the same zeal and fidelity; and that, if she failed in either, he was always at liberty to take her government from her. She was continued in it by this means, and acquitted herself with all the judgment and ability that could have been expected from the most consummate master in the art of ruling. To the ordinary tributes which her husband had paid, she added presents of extraordinary magnificence; and when Pharnabazus came into her province, she entertained him more splendidly than any of the other governors. She was not contented with the conservation of the cities committed to her care, she made new conquests, and took Larissa,1 Amaxita, and Colona.

Hence we may observe, that prudence, good sense, and courage, are of all sexes. She was present in all expeditions in a chariot, and in person decreed rewards and punishments. None of the neighbouring provinces had a finer army than hers, in which she had a great number of Greek soldiers in her pay. She even attended Pharnabazus in all his enterprizes, and was of no common support to him. So that the satrap, who knew all the value of so extraordinary a merit,

From the Mysians and Pysidians.

defeat had given a mortal wound; and full of fidelity and zeal for his country, though little favourable to him, perpetually meditated the means of raising it from its ruins, and restoring it to its ancient splendour.

This Athenian general, knowing that, in order to succeed in his views, he had occasion for a powerful support, wrote to Artaxerxes to explain his projects to him, and ordered the person who carried his letter to apply to Ctesias, who would give it into the king's own hands. It was accordingly delivered to that physician, who, it is said, though he did not approve the contents of it, added to what Conon had written, "that he desired the king would send Ctesias to him, being a person very capable of doing him service, especially in maritime affairs." Pharnabazus, in concert with Conon, was gone to court to complain against the conduct of Tissaphernes, as too avowedly in favour of the Lacedæmonians. At the urgent solicitations of Pharnabazus, the king ordered 500 talents5 to be paid to him for the equipment of a fleet, with instructions to give Conon the command of it. He sent Ctesias into Greece, who, after having visited Cnidos, his native country, went to Sparta.

This Ctesias had at first been in the service of Cyrus, whom he had followed in his expedition. He 2 Xenoph. p. 487, 488.

Plut. in Artax. p. 1021

Diod. I. xiv. p. 207. Justin 1. v. c. 1. $500,000 crowns, or about 112,0001, sterling.

Strab. 1. xiv. p. 656. Plus, in Artax. p. 1014-1017Diod, I. xiv. p. 273. Arist, de Hist, Anim. 1. viii. c. 28. Phot. Cod, LXII.

1020.

was taken prisoner in the battle wherein Cyrus was killed, and was made use of to dress the wounds Artaxerxes had received, of which he acquitted himself so well, that the king retained him in his service, and made him his first physician. He passed several years in his service in that quality. Whilst he was there, the Greeks, in all their business at the court, applied themselves to him; as Conon did on the present occasion. His long residence in Persia, and at the court, had given him the necessary time and means for his information in the history of the country, which he wrote in three-and-twenty books. The first six contained the history of the Assyrians and Babylonians, from Ninus and Semiramis down to Cyrus. The other seventeen treated of the Persian affairs from the beginning of Cyrus's reign to the third year of the 95th Olympiad, which agrees with the 398th year before JESUS CHRIST. He wrote also a history of India. Photius has given us several extracts of both these histories, and these extracts are all that remain of the works of Ctesias. He often contradicts Herodotus, and differs sometimes also from Xenophon. He was not much esteemed by the ancients, who speak of him as of a very vain man, whose veracity is not to be relied on, and who has inserted fables, and sometimes even lies, in his history.

Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus, A. M. 3607. though secretly each other's enemies, Ant. J. C. 397. had upon the king's orders united their troops, to oppose the enterprises of Dercyllidas, who had marched into Caria. They had reduced him to post himself so disadvantageously, that he must inevitably have perished, had they charged him immediately, without giving him time to look about him. Pharnabazus was of this opinion; but Tissaphernes, dreading the valour of the Greeks who had followed Cyrus, which he had experienced, and whom he conceived all the others resembled, proposed an interview, which was accepted. Dercyllidas having demanded that the Grecian cities should continue free, and Tissaphernes, that the army and generals of Lacedæmon should retire; they made a truce, till the answers of their respective masters should be known.

Whilst these things were passing in Asia, the Lacedæmonians resolved to chastise the insolence of the people of Elis, who, not content with having entered into an alliance with their enemies in the Peloponnesian war, prevented their disputing the prizes in the Olympic games. Upon pretence of the non-payment of a fine by Sparta, they had insulted one of their citizens during the games, and hindered Agis from sacrificing in the temple of Jupiter Olympius. That king was charged with this expedition, which did not terminate till the third year after. He could have taken their city Olympia, which had no works, but contented himself with plundering the suburbs, and the places for the exercises, which were very fine. They demanded peace, which was granted, and were suffered to retain the superintendency of the temple of Jupiter Olympins, to which they had not much right, but were more worthy of that honour than those who disputed it with them.

Agis on his return fell sick,3 and died upon arriving at Sparta. Almost divine honours were paid to his memory; and after the expiration of some days, according to custom, Leotychides and Agesilaus, one the son and the other the brother of the deceased, disputed the crown. The latter maintained, that his competitor was not the son of Agis, and supported his assertion by the confession of the queen herself, who knew best, and who had often, as well as her husband, acknowledged as much. In fact, there was

a current report, that she had him by Alcibiades, as has been related in its place, and that the Athenian general had corrupted her by a present of 1000 daricks.5 Agis protested the contrary at his death. Leotychides having thrown himself at his feet all bathed in tears, he could not refuse the favour he implored of him, and owned him for his son before all that were present.

Most of the Spartans charmed with the virtue and great merit of Agesilaus, and deeming it an extraordinary advantage to have a person for their king, who had been educated amongst them, and had passed like them through all the rigour of the Spartan education, supported him with their whole power. An ancient oracle, that advised Sparta to beware of a lame reign, was urged against him. Lysander only made a jest of it, and turned its sense against Leotychides himself; endeavouring to prove, that as a bastard, he was the lame king whom the oracle intended to caution them against. Agesilaus, as well by his own great qualities as the powerful support of Lysander, carried it against his nephew, and was declared king.

As by the laws the kingdom had devolved to Agis, his brother Agesilaus, who seemed to be destined to pass his life as a private person, had been educated like other children in the Spartan discipline, which as to the mode of life was very rough, and full of laborious exercise, but taught youth obedience perfectly well. The law dispensed with this education only to such children as were designed for the throne. Agesilaus therefore had this peculiar advantage, that he did not arrive at commanding, till he had first learned perfectly well how to obey. From thence it was, that of all the kings of Sparta, he best knew how to make his subjects love and esteem him, because that prince, to the great qualities with which nature had endowed him for command and sovereignty, had united by his education the advantage of being humane and popular.

It is surprising that Sparta, a city so renowned in point of education and policy, should have conceived it proper to abate any thing of its severity and discipline in favour of the princes who were to reign; they having most need of being early habituated to the yoke of obedience, in order to their being the better qualified to command.

Plutarchs observes, that from his infancy Agesilaus was remarkable for uniting qualities in himself, which are generally incompatible; a vivacity of temper, a vehemence, a resolution invincible in appearance, an ardent passion for being first and surpassing all others with a gentleness, submission, and docility that complied at a single word, and made him infinitely sensible of the slightest reprimand, so that every thing might be obtained of him from the motives of honour, but nothing by fear or violence.

He was lame, but that defect was covered by the gracefulnhss of his person, and still more by the gayety with which he supported and rallied it first himself. It may even be said, that this infirmity of his body set his valour and passion for glory in a stronger light; there being no labour nor enterprise, however difficult, that he would refuse upon account of that inconvenience.

Praise, without any air of truth or sincerity, was so far from giving him pleasure, that it offended him, and was never received by him as such, but when it came from the mouth of those, who upon other occa

Athen, xii, p. 534.

1000 pistoles.

p. 267.

Xenoph. Hist. Græc. 1. iii. p. 492.

3

Xenoph. p. 493. Plut. in Lys. p. 445. In Agesil, p.

597.

mind, the Lacedæmonians conceived it would be a | reproach to them, not to take advantage of so favourable a conjuncture for delivering the Greeks in Asia from their subjection to those barbarians, and for putting an end to the outrages and violences with which they were continually oppressing them. They had already attempted this by their generals Thimbron and Decyllidas; but all their endeavours having hitherto proved ineffectual, they referred the conduct of this war to the care of Agesilaus. He promised them either to oonclude a glorious peace with the Persians, or to employ them so effectually, as should leave them neither leisure nor inclination to carry the war into Greece. The king had great views, and thought of no less than attacking Artaxerxes in Persia itself.

When he arrived at Ephesus,' Tissaphernes sent to demand what reason had induced him to come into Asia, and why he had taken up arms. He replied, that he came to aid the Greeks who inhabited there, and to re-establish them in their ancient liberty. The satrap, who was not yet prepared, made use of art in the place of force, and assured him that his master would give the Grecian cities of Asia their liberty, provided he committed no acts of hostility till the return of the couriers. Agesilaus agreed, and the truce was sworn to on both sides. Tissaphernes, who laid no great stress upon an oath, took advantage of this delay to assemble troops on all sides. The Lacedæmonian general was apprised of it, but however kept his word; being convinced, that in affairs of state the breach of faith can have but a very short and precarious success; whereas a reputation established upon inviolable fidelity in the observance of engagements, which even the perfidy of other contracting parties has not power to alter, will establish a credit and confidence equally useful and glorious. In fact, Xenophon remarks, that this religious observation of treaties gained him the universal esteem and opinion of the cities, whilst the contrary conduct of Tissaphernes entirely lost him their favour. Agesilaus made use of this interA. M. 3609. val in acquiring an exact knowledge Ant. J. C. 395. of the state of the cities, and in making suitable regulations. He found great disorder every where, their government being neither democratical, as under the Athenians, nor aristocratical, as Lysander had established it. The people of the country had had no communication with Agesilaus, nor had ever known him; for which reason they made no court to him, conceiving, that he had the title of general for form sake only, and that the whole power was really vested in Lysander. As no governor had ever done so much good to his friends or hurt to his enemies, it is not wonderful that he was so much beloved by the one and feared by the other. All therefore were eager to pay their homage to him, were every day in crowds at his door, and made his train very numerous when he went abroad, whilst Agesilaus remained almost alone. Such a conduct could not fail of offending a general and king extremely sensible and delicate in what regarded his authority, though otherwise not jealous of any one's merit, but, on the contrary, much inclined to distinguish it with his favour. He did not dissemble his disgust. He no longer paid regard to Lysander's recommendations, and ceased to employ him himself. Lysander presently perceived this alteration towards him. He discontinued his applications for his friends to the king, desired them not to visit him any more, nor attach themselves to him, but to address themselves directly to the king, and to cultivate the favour of those who in the present times had power to serve and advance their creatures. The greatest part of them gave over importuning him with their affairs, but did not cease to pay their court to him. On the contrary, they were only more assiduous than ever

about his person, attended him in throngs when he took the air abroad, and regularly assisted at all his exercises. Lysander, naturally vain, and long accus tomed to the homage and submission that attended on absolute power, did not take sufficient care to remove the busy crowd from his person, that continually made their addresses to him with more application than ever. This ridiculous affectation of authority and grandeur grew still more and more offensive to Agesilaus, and seemed as if intended to insult him. He resented it so highly, that having given the most considerable commands and best governments to private officers, he appointed Lysander commissary of the stores, and distributor of provisions; and afterwards, to insult and deride the Ionians, he told them, that they might now go and consult his master-butcher.

Lysander then thought it incumbent upon him to speak, and to come to an explanation with him. Their conversation was brief and laconic.-" Certainly, my lord," said Lysander, 'you know very well how to depress your friends."-"Yes, when they would set themselves above me; but when they study to exalt my dignity, I know also how to let them share in it."-"But perhaps, my lord," replied Lysander, "I have been injured by false reports, and things I never did have been imputed to me. I must beg, therefore, if it be only on account of the strangers, who have all of them their eyes upon us, that you would give me an employment in your arnty, wherein you shall think me least capable of displeasing, and most of serving you effectually."

The result of this conversation was, that Agesilaus gave him the lieutenancy of the Hellespont. In this employment he retained all his resentment, without however neglecting any part of his duty, or omitting any step that might conduce to the success of affairs. Some short time after he returned to Sparta, without any marks of honour or distinction, extremely incensed against Agesilaus, and trusting to make him feel his resentment very sensibly.

It must be allowed that Lysander's conduct, as we have here represented it, denotes a vanity and narrowness of mind on his side, highly unworthy of his reputation. Perhaps Agesilaus carried too far his sensibility and delicacy on the point of honour, and was a little too severe upon a friend and benefactor, whom a secret reprimand, attended with frankness and expressions of kindness, might have reclaimed to his duty. But, brilliant as Lysander's merit, and considerable as the services he had rendered Agesilaus, might be, they could not all of them give him a right, not only to an equality with his king and general, but to the superiority he affected, which in some measure tended to make the other insignificant. He ought to have remembered, that it is never allowable for an inferior to forget himself, and to exceed the bounds of a just subordination.

Upon his return to Sparta3 he had it seriously in his thoughts to execute a project, which he had many years revolved in his mind. At Sparta there were only two families, or rather branches, of the posterity of Hercules, who had a right to the throne. When Lysander had attained to that high degree of power which his great actions had acquired him, he began to see with pain a city, whose glory had been so much augmented by his exploits, under the government of princes to whom he was inferior neither in valour nor birth; for he was descended, as well as themselves, from Hercules. He therefore sought means to deprive those two houses of the sole succession to the crown, and to extend that right to all the other branches of the Heraclidæ, and even, according to some, to all the natives of Sparta; flattering himself, that if his design took effect, no Spartan could be capable of disputing that honour with him, and that he should have the preference over all others.

* Plut. in Lysand. p. 447, 448. Diod. l. xiv. p. 244, 245