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favoured popular government: the other, out of those who lived in the plains; and they were for oligarchy: and the third out of the people upon the coast; and these held the mean between both.

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SECTION II.—OF THE INHABITANTS OF ATHENS. THERE were three sorts of inhabiA. M. 3690. tants of Athens; citizens, strangers, and servants. In the account taken Ant. J. C. 314. by Demetrius Phalereus in the cxvith Olympiad, their number amounted to 21,000 citizens, 10,000 strangers, and 40,000 servants.13 ber of citizens was almost the same in the time of Cecrops, and less under Pericles. 1. Of the Citizens.

excluded. For this reason he made an estimation of what each individual was worth. Those who were found to have an annual revenue of 500 measures, as well in grain as liquids, were placed in the first class, It is necessary, for the better understanding what and called the Pentacosiomedimni, that is, those who The second class we have now said, to enter into a more particular achad a revenue of 500 measures. was composed of such as had 300, and could main-count of the Athenian people. tain a horse for war; these were called horsemen or knights. Those who had only 200, were in the third Out of these three class, and were called Zugita.1 classes alone the magistrates and commanders were chosen. All the other citizens who were below these three classes, and had less revenues, were comprised under the name of Theta, i. e. hirelings, or rather workmen labouring with their hands. Solon did not permit them to hold any office, and granted them only the right of giving their suffrages in the assemblies and trials of the people, which at first seemed a very slight privilege, but at length was found to be a very great advantage, as will appear in the sequel. I do not know whether Solon foresaw it, but he used to say, that the people were never more obedient and submissive, than when they possessed neither too much nor too little liberty: which comes very near Galba's expression, when, in order to induce Piso to treat the Roman people with mildness and lenity, he desires him to remember, that he was going to command men who were incapable of bearing either entire liberty or absolute subjection.

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A citizen could only be such by birth or adoption. To be a natural denizen of Athens, it was necessary to be born of a father and mother both free, and Athenians. We have seen that Pericles restored in all its force this law, which had not been exactly observed, and which he himself some short time after infringed. The people could confer the freedom of the city upon strangers; and those whom they had so adopted enjoyed almost the same rights and privileges as the natural citizens. The quality of citizen of Athens was sometimes granted as an honour and mark of gratitude to those who had rendered great services to the state; as to Hippocrates; and even kings have sometimes canvassed that title for themselves or their children. Evagoras, king of Cyprus, thought it much

to his honour.

The people of Athens, being become more haughty after their victories over the Persians, pretended to have a right to share in all the public offices and the magistracy: and Aristides, to prevent the disorders which a too tenacious opposition might have occasioned, thought proper to give way to them in this point. When the young men had attained the age of It appears, however, from a passage in Xenophon, that the people contented themselves with those off-twenty, they were enrolled upon the list of citizens, after having taken an oath; and it was only in virtue ces from whence some profit arose, and left those of that public and solemn act that they became memwhich related more particularly to the government of bers of the state. The form of this oath is exceedthe state in the hands of the rich. ingly remarkable, which Stobæus and Pollux13 have preserved in the following words: "I will never dishonour the profession of arms, nor save my life by a shameful flight. I will fight to my last breath for the

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The citizens of the first three classes paid every year a certain sum of money, to be laid up in the public treasury: the first a talent, the Knights half a talent, and the Zugitæ ten minæ."

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As the proportion of revenue determined the order of the classes, as their revenues augmented, the people were allowed to rise to a superior class. If Plutarch, 10 may be believed, Solon formed two councils, which were the two anchors, as it were, of the commonwealth, to secure it from being shaken by the commotions of the assemblies of the people. The first was the Areopagus: but it was much more ancient than his institutions, and he only reformed it, and gave it new lustre, by augmenting its power. The second was the council of the Four Hundred, that is, 100 of each tribe; for Cecrops, the first king of the Athenians, had divided the people into four tribes. Clisthenes long after him changed that order, and established ten. It was in this council of the

Four Hundred that all affairs were considered before they were proposed to the assembly of the people, as we shall soon explain.

peo

I do not mention here another division of the ple into three parties or factions, which till the time of Pisistratus were a continual source of troubles and seditions. One of these three parties was formed out of those who inhabited the high lands; and these

1 It is believed they were so called from their being ranked between the Knights and the Theta; as in the galleys those who rowed in the middle were termed Zugite; their place was between the Thalamita and Thranite. 2 Plut. in Solon. p. 110.

Tacit. Hist. 1. x. c. 16.

religion and civil interests of the state, in concert with the other citizens, and alone if occasion be. I will not bring my country into a worse condition than I found it, but will use my utmost endeavours to make it more flourishing. I will always submit myself to the laws and magistrates, and to whatsoever shall be ordained by the common consent of the people. If any one shall violate, or attempt to annul, the laws, I will not disguise or conceal such an enterprise, but will oppose it either alone or in conjunction with my fellow-citizens; and I will constantly adhere to the religion of my forefathers. To all which I call to witness Å graulos, Enyalius, Mars, and Jupiter." I leave the reader to his own reflections upon this august ceremony, well adapted to inspire the love of their country in the hearts of the young citizens.

The whole people at first had been divided into four tribes, and afterwards into ten. Each tribe was subdivided into several parts, which were called dñμo, pagi. It was by these two titles that the citizens were described in the public acts. Melitus, è tribu Cecropide, è pago Pitthênsi.

2. Of the Strangers.

I call those by that name who, being of a foreign country, came to settle at Athens or in Attica, whether for the sake of commerce or the exercising any trade. They were termed péroikot, inquilini. They had no share in the government, nor votes in the assembly of the people, and 'could not be admitted into

Imperaturus es hominibus, qui nec totam servitutem any office. They put themselves under the protection pati possunt nec totam libertatem.

5 Plut, in Aristid. p. 332.

Xenoph. de rep. Athen. p. 691.

Pollux. I. viii. c. 10.

One thousand French crowns.
Five hundred livres.

10 In Solon. p. 88.

of some citizens, as we find from a passage of Te

11 Athen. l. vi. p. 272.

12 The text says, pvpiádas тeoσapákovтa, four hundred thousand which is a manifest error.

13 Pollux, l. viii. c. 9.

and put itself at the head of those that drew the carts to the citadel, walking foremost, as if to exhort and encourage them, the Athenians ordained by a decree, that the creature should be maintained at the public expense till its death.

SECTION III.— -OF THE COUNCIL OR SENATE OF

FIVE HUNDRED.

rence, and upon that account were obliged to render him certain duties and services, as the clients did at Rome to their patrons. They were bound to observe all the laws of the republic, and to conform entirely to all its customs. They paid a yearly tribute to the state of twelve drachmas; and in default of payment were made slaves, and exposed to sale. Xenocrates,* the celebrated but poor philosopher, was very near experiencing this misfortune, and was being carried to prison; but Lycurgus, the orator, having paid the tax, released him from the hands of the farmers of the public revenues; a kind of men who in all times have been very little sensible to merit, with the exception of an exceeding few of their number. That philosopher, meeting some time after the sons of his deliverer, told them: I pay your father the favour he has done me with usury, for all the world praises him upon my ac-rity, Solon had instituted a council, composed of 400

count."

3. Of the Servants.

IN consequence of Solon's institutions, the people of Athens had a great share and authority in the government. Appeals might be brought to their tribunals in all cases; they had a right to cancel the old laws, and establish new ones; in a word, all important affairs, whether relating to war or peace, were decided in their assemblies. In order that their determi nations should be made with more wisdom and matu

senators, 100 out of each tribe, which were then four in number; and they prepared and digested the afThese were of two kinds. The one who were free, fairs which were to be laid before the people, as we shall soon explain more at large. Clisthenes, about and not able to get their bread by their work, were obliged by the bad state of their affairs to go into ser- tribes to ten, augmented also that of the senators to 100 years after Solon, having increased the number of vice, and their condition was reputable and not laborious. The service of the other was forced and con- 500, each tribe supplying fifty. This was called the strained: these were slaves who had either been taken council, or senate, of the Five Hundred. They receivprisoners in war, or bought of such as trafficked pub-ed their stipend out of the public treasury. licly in them. They formed part of the property of They were chosen by lot, in which they made use their masters, who disposed absolutely of them, but of black and white beans, which were mingled and generally treated them with great humanity. De-shaken in an urn; and each tribe gave in the names mosthenes observes, in one of his harangues, that of those who aspired to that trust, and had the revethe condition of servants was infinitely more gentle could be admitted under the age of thirty. After innue assigned by the laws to qualify them for it. None at Athens than any where else. There was in that city an asylum and place of refuge for slaves, where quiry made into the manners and conduct of the canthe bones of Theseus had been interred, and that asy-didate, he was made to take an oath, whereby he enlum still subsisted in Plutarch's time. How glorious gaged to give at all times the best counsel he could to was it for Theseus, that his tomb should do that, 1200 the people of Athens, and never to depart in the least years after his death, which he had done himself dur- from the tenor of the laws. ing his life, and continue the protector of the oppres

sed as he had been!

When the slaves were treated with too much rigour and inhumanity, they had their action against their masters, who were obliged to sell them to others, if the fact were sufficiently proved. They could ransom themselves even against their masters' consent, when they had laid up money enough for that purpose. For out of what they got by their labour, after having paid a certain proportion to their masters, they kept the remainder for themselves, and made a stock which was at their own disposal. Private persons, when they were satisfied with their services, often gave these slaves their liberty; and the same favour was often granted them by the public, when the necessity of the times obliged the state to put arms in their hands and enlist them amongst the citizens.

The humane and equitable manner in which the

Athenians treated their servants and slaves, was an

effect of the good temper natural to that people, and
very remote from the austere and cruel severity of the
Lacedæmonians towards their Helots, which often
brought their republic to the very brink of destruction.
Plutarch, with great reason, condemns this rigour.
He thinks it proper to habituate one's self always to
merey, even with regard to beasts, were it only, says
he, to learn by that means to treat men well, and to
serve, as it were, an apprenticeship to humanity and
benevolence. He relates, upon this occasion, a very
singular fact, and one well calculated to give an idea
of the character of the Athenians. After having
finished the temple called Hecatompedon, they set all
the beasts of burden at liberty, that had been employ-
ed in the work, and assigned them fat pasturages as
consecrated animals. And it was said, that one of
these beasts having come to offer itself at the work,

Thais patri se commendavit in clientelam et fidem:
Nobis dedit sese. Eunuch. Act. 5. scen. ult.
* Six livres.
Philip. 3.

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Plaut. in Casin.

375.

Plut. in Flamin. p.
Plut. de superstit. p. 166.

Plut. in Catone, p. 338, 339.

This senate assembled every day, except upon the days appointed for festivals. Each tribe in its turn furnished those who were to preside in it, called Prytanes, and this rank was decided by lot. This presidency continued thirty-five days, which being reckoned ten times, amounts to the number of days, except four, of the lunar year followed at Athens. This time of the presidency, or prytanism, was divided into five weeks, regard being had to the five tens of the Prytanes, who were to preside in them, and every week seven of these ten Prytanes drawn by lot prethat is to say, presidents. He who was so for the sided, each their day, and were denominated Пpócepot, day, presided in the assembly of the senators and in that of the people. He was charged with the public seal, as also with the keys of the citadel and trea

sury.

crifice to Jupiter and Minerva, under the additional The senators, before they assembled, offered a saappellation of givers of good counsel, 10 to implore from them the prudence and understanding necessary to form wise deliberations. The president proposed the business which was to be considered in the assembly. standing. After a question had been settled, it was Every one gave his opinion in his turn, and always drawn up in writing, and read with a loud voice. Each senator then gave his vote by scrutiny, by put ting a bean into the urn. If the white beans carried it, the question passed, otherwise it was rejected. This sort of decree was called piopa, or пpoßovλcupa, as much as to say, a preparatory resolution. It was where, if it was received and approved, it had the afterwards laid before the assembly of the people, force of a law, if not, its authority subsisted only one ed this council, to inform and direct the people, to fix year. This shows with what wisdom Solon establishtheir inconstancy, to check their temerity, and to im not to be expected in a confused and tumultuous aspart to their deliberations a prudence and maturity

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sembly composed of a great number of citizens, most bity, equity, and prudence, and generally respected. of them without education, capacity, or much zeal for Cicero, in writing to his friend Atticus, upon the fortithe public good. The reciprocal dependency and mu- tude, constancy, and wise severity of the Roman setual concurrence of the two bodies of the state, which nate, thinks he makes a great encomium upon it in were obliged to lend each other their authority, and comparing it with the Areopagus. Senatus, Apeios remained equally without force when without union wáyos, nil constantius, nil severius, nil fortius. Cicero and a good understanding, were besides a method ju- must have conceived a very advantageous idea of it, diciously contrived for supporting a wise balance be- to speak of it as he does in the first book of his Offitween the two bodies; the people not being able to ces. He compares the famous battle of Salamis, in enact any thing without its being first proposed and which Themistocles had so great a part, with the esapproved by the senate, nor the senate to pass any tablishment of the Areopagus, which he ascribes to decree into a law till it had been ratified by the people. Solon; and makes no scruple to prefer, or at least to We may judge of the importance of this council by equal, the legislator's service to that for which Athens the matters which were treated in it; the same, with- was obliged to the general of its army. "For in reout any exception, as were laid before the people;-ality," says he, "that victory was useful to the republic wars, taxes, maritime affairs, treaties of peace, alli- only for once, but the Areopagus will be so throughout ances; in a word, whatever related to government; all ages, as by the wisdom of that tribunal, the laws without mentioning the account which they obliged and ancient customs of the Athenian state are prethe magistrates to give on quitting their offices, and served. Themistocles did no service to the Areopathe frequent decisions and judgments upon the most gus, but the Areopagus abundantly contributed to the serious and important affairs. victory of Themistocles; because the republic was at that time directed by the wise counsels of that august

SECTION IV. OF THE Areopagus.

senate."

THIS Council took its name from the place where it It appears from this passage of Cicero, that the held its meetings called the quarter, or hill of Mars, be- Areopagus had a great share in the government, and cause, according to some, Mars had been cited thither I do not doubt but it was consulted upon important to trial for a murder committed by him. It was believ- affairs. Cicero here perhaps may have confounded ed to be as ancient as the nation. Cicero and Plu- the council of the Areopagus with that of the Five tarch attribute the institution of it to Solon; but he Hundred. It is certain, however, that the Areopagita only re-established it by giving it more lustre and au- were extremely active in the public affairs. thority than it had had till then, and for that reason was looked upon as its founder. The number of the senators of the Areopagus was not fixed; at certain times they amounted to two or three hundred. Solon thought proper that only those who had borne the office of archon should be honoured with that dignity.

This senate had the care of seeing the laws duly observed, of inspecting the manners of the people, and especially of judging in criminal cases. They held their sittings in an open place, and during the night. The former very probably to avoid being under the same roof with the criminals, and not to defile themselves by such an intercourse with them; the latter, that they might not be softened by the sight of the guilty, and might judge solely according to justice and the laws. It was for the same reason, that, in presence of these judges, the orators were not permitted to use any exordium or peroration, nor allowed to excite the passions, but were obliged to confine themselves solely to the subject matter of their cause. The severity of their judgments was exceedingly dreaded, particularly in regard to murder, and they were highly attentive to inspire their citizens with horror for that crime. They condemned a child to be put to death for making it his pastime to put out the eyes of quaiis; conceiving this sanguinary inclination as the mark of a very wicked disposition, which might one day prove fatal to many, if it were suffered to grow up with impunity.

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The affairs of religion, as blasphemies against the gods, contempt of the sacred mysteries, different species of impiety, and the introduction of new ceremonies and new divinities, were also brought before this tribunal. We read in Justin Martyr, that Plato, who in his travels in Egypt had acquired great lights concerning the unity of GoD, when he returned to Athens, took great care to dissemble and conceal his sentiments, for fear of being obliged to appear, and give an account of them before the Areopagita; and we know that St. Paul was traduced before them, as teaching a new doctrine, and endeavouring to introduce new gods.

These judges were in great reputation for their pro1 *Άρειος πάγος.

Nec mihi videntur Areopagitæ, cùm damnaverunt puerum oculos coturnicum eruentem, aliud judicâsse, quàm ad signum esse perniciosissimæ mentis, multisque malo future si adolevisset. Quintil. l. v. c. 9. Cohort. ad Græc. Acts xvii. 18-20.

Pericles, who could never enter the Areopagus, be cause, chance having always been against him, he had not passed through any of the employments necessary to his admission, attempted to weaken its authority, and attained his point; which is a great blot in his reputation.

SECTION V. OF THE MAGISTRATES.

Or these a great number were established for dif ferent functions. I shall speak only of the Archons, who are the most known. I have observed elsewhere that they succeeded the kings, and that their authority at first continued during life. It was afterwards limited to ten years, and reduced at last only to one. When Solon was commissioned to reform the government, he found them upon this foot, and to the number of nine. He did not abolish their office, but he very much diminished their power.

The first of these nine magistrates was called THE ARCHON, by way of eminence, and the year denominated from him: Under such an Archon such a battle was fought. The second was called THE KING, which was a remnant and vestige of the authority to which they had succeeded. The third was THE POLEMARCH, who at first commanded the armies, and always retained that name, though he had not the same authority, of which, however, he had yet preserved some part. For we have seen, in speaking of the battle of Marathon, that the polemarch had a right to vote in the council of war, as well as the ten generals then in command. The six other archons were called by the common name, THESMOTHETA, which implies that they had a particular superintendence over the laws, in order to their being duly observed. These nine archons had each of them a peculiar province, and were judges in certain affairs allotted to their cogni

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Ad Attic. 1. i. ep. 13.

Quamvis Themistocles jure laudetur, et sit ejus nomen, quàm Solonis, illustrius, citeturque Salamis clarissima testis victoriæ, quæ anteponatur consilio Solonis ei, quo primùm constituit Areopagitas: non minùs præclarum hoc, quàm illud, judicandum est. Illud enim semel profuit,

hoc semper proderit civitati: hoc consilio leges Atheniensium, hoc majorum instituta servantur. Et Themistocles quidem nihil dixerit, in quo ipse Areopagum juverit: at ille adjuvit Themistoclem. Est enim bellum gestum consilio Senatûs ejus, qui à Solone erat constitutus. Offic. 1. i. n.

75.

From thence he was also called 'Eróvopos.

zance. I do not think it necessary to enter into the particulars of their duty, nor into those of many other employments and offices established for the administration of justice, for the levying of taxes and tributes, for the preservation of good order in the city, for supplying it with provisions; in a word, for every thing relating to commerce and civil society.

SECTION VI.-OF THE ASSEMBLIES OF THE PEOPLE. THESE were of two sorts: the one ordinary and fixed to certain days, and for these there was no kind of summons; the other extraordinary, according to the different occasions that arose, and the people were informed of it by express proclamation.

The place for the assembly was not fixed. Sometimes it was the public market-place, sometimes a part of the city near the citadel, called Ivv, and sometimes the theatre of Bacchus.

The prytanes generally assembled the people. Some days before the assembly, bills were fixed up, wherein the business to be considered was set down."

All the citizens, poor as well as rich, had a right to give their suffrages. Those were liable to a penalty who failed of being present at the assembly, or who came late; and to induce their punctual attendance, a reward was annexed to it, at first of an obolus, which was the sixth part of a drachma, then of three oboli, which made about five pence French.

The assembly always began with sacrifices and prayers, in order to obtain from the gods the knowledge and understanding necessary to wise deliberations; and they never failed to add the most terrible imprecations against such as should wilfully advise any thing contrary to the public good.

The president proposed the affair upon which they were to deliberate. If it had been examined in the senate, and decided upon there, the resolution was read; after which those who wished to speak were invited to ascend the tribunal, that they might be the better heard by the people, and inform them in the matter proposed. The oldest generally spoke first, and then the rest according to their seniority. When the orators had done speaking, and giving their opinion, that it was necessary, for instance, to approve or rejeet the deeree of the senate, the people proceeded to vote; and the most common method of doing it was by holding up their hands, to denote their approbation, which was called χειροτονεῖν. The assembly was sometimes adjourned till another day, because it was too late to distinguish the number of those that lifted up their hands, and decide which party had the majority. After a resolution had been formed in this manner, it was reduced to writing, and read by an officer to the people with a loud voice, who confirmed it again by holding up their hands as before; after which the decree had the force of a law. And this was called ψήφισμα, from the Greek word ψηφος which signifies a pebble, or small stone, because they were sometimes used in giving suffrages by scrutiny. All the great affairs of the republic were discussed in these asserblies. It was in them that new laws were proposed and old ones amended; every thing that related to religion and the worship of the gods examined; magistrates, generals, and officers created; their behaviour and conduct inquired into; peace or war concluded; deputies and ambassadors appointed; treaties and alliances ratified; freedom of the city granted; rewards and honours decreed to those who had distinguished themselves in war, or rendered great services to the republic; and punishments ordained for those who had behaved themselves ill, or had violated the laws of the state, and were banished by the ostracism. In fine, justice was administered, and judgment passed there, upon the most important affairs. We see from this account-which is, however, very imperfect--how far the people's power extended; and with what truth it may be said, that the government of Athens, though qualified by the aristocracy and the authority of the elders, was by its constitution democratical and popular.

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I shall have occasion to observe in the sequel, of what weight the talent of eloquence must have been in such a republic; and in what great repute orators must have been in it. It is not easy to conceive how they could make themselves heard in so numerous an assembly, and where such a multitude of auditors were present. We may judge how great that was, from what has been said of it in two instances. The first relates to the ostracism, and the other to the adoption of a stranger for a citizen. On each of these occasions it was necessary that no less than 6000 citizens should be present in the assembly.

I reserve for another place the reflections which naturally arise from what I have already related, and what still remains for me to say upon the government of Athens.

SECTION VII.—OF TRIALS.

THERE were different tribunals, according to the different nature of the affairs to be adjudged, but ap peals might be brought to the people from all decrees of the other judges, and this it was that rendered their power so great and considerable. All the allies, when they had any cause to try, were obliged to repair to Athens, where they often remained a considerable time without being able to obtain audience, from the multiplicity of affairs to be adjudged. This law had been imposed upon them, in order to render them more dependent upon the people, and more submissive to their authority; instead of which, had they sent commissioners upon the spot, they would have been the sole persons to whom the allies would have made their court and paid their homage.

The parties pleaded their cause either in person, or employed advocates to do it for them. The time allowed for the hearing was generally fixed, and a water-clock, called in Greek λɛúopa, regulated its duration. The decree was passed by plurality of voices; and when the suffrages were equal, the judges inclined to the side of mercy, and acquitted the accused. It is remarkable that a friend was not obliged to give evidence against a friend.

All the citizens, even the poorest, and such as had no estates, were admitted into the number of the judges, provided they had attained the age of thirty, and were known to be persons of good morals. Whilst they sat in judgment, they held in their hands a kind of sceptre, which was the mark of their dignity, and laid it down when they withdrew.

The judges' salary was different at different times. They had at first only an obolus a day, and afterwards three, at which their fee remained fixed. It was but a small matter in itself, but became in time a very great charge to the public, and exhausted the treasury without much enriching individuals. We may judge of this from what is related in Aristophanes's comedy of The Wasps, wherein the poet ridicules the fondness of the Athenians for trying causes, and their eager desire for the gain arising from it, which protracted and multiplied suits without end.

He

In this comedy, a young Athenian who was to act the part I have mentioned, of turning the judges and trials of Athens into ridicule, from a computation which he makes of the revenues paid into the public treasury, finds their amount to be 2000 talents. then examines how much of that sum falls to the share of the 6000 judges, with whom Athens was overrun, at three oboli a head per day. This appears to be annually, including all of them, only 150 talents. The calculation is easy. The judges were paid only ten months in the year, the other two being employed in festivals, when all proceedings at law were prohibited. Now three oboli a day paid to 6000 men, makes fifteen talents a month, and consequently 150 in ten months. According to this calculation, the most assiduous judge gained only seventy-five livres

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(about three guineas) a year. "What then becomes | lages, and to treat them in every respect as the most of the remainder of the 2000 talents?" cries the young cruel enemies. Moreover, if at any time any person Athenian."What?" replies his father, who was one shall dare to be so impious as to steal and take away of the judges, "it goes to those but let us not any of the rich offerings preserved in the temple of expose the shame of Athens; let us always be for the Apollo at Delphi, or abet any others in committing people." The young Athenian goes on to insinuate that crime, either by aiding or only counselling him that the remainder went to such as robbed the public therein, I will use my feet, hands, voice; in a word, treasury; to the orators, who incessantly flattered the all my powers and faculties, to avenge such sacrilege." people, and to those who were employed in the govern- That oath was attended with the most terrible imprement and army. I have extracted this remark from cations and execrations: "That if any one infringes any the works of Father Brumoi the Jesuit, of which I thing contained in the oath I have now taken, whether have already made much use, where I have spoken of private person, city, or people, may that person, city, the public shows and dramatic representations. or people, be deemed accursed; and, as such, experience the whole vengeance of Apollo, Latona, Diana, and Minerva the fore-knower. May their country

SECTION VIII.-OF THE AMPHICTYONS. THE famous council of the Amphictyons is intro-produce none of the fruits of the earth, and their woduced here, though it was not peculiar to the Athenians, but common to all Greece, because it is often mentioned in the Grecian history, and I do not know whether I shall have a more natural occasion to introduce it.

men, instead of generating children resembling their fathers, bring forth nothing but monsters; and may their animals share in the same curse. May those sacrilegious men lose all their suits at law; may they be conquered in war, have their houses demolished, and The assembly of the Amphictyons was in a manner be themselves and their children put to the sword." I the holding of a general assembly of the states of am not astonished that after such terrible engageGrecce. The establishment of it is attributed to Am-ments, the holy war, undertaken by the order of the phictyon, king of Athens, and son of Deucalion, who Amphictyons, should be carried on with so much gave them his name. His principal view in the insti- rancour and fury. The religion of an oath was of tution of this council, was to unite in the sacred band great force with the ancients; and how much more of amity the several people of Greece admitted into regard ought to be had to it in the Christian world, it, and to oblige them by that union to undertake the which professes to believe that the violation of it defence of each other, and be mutually vigilant for shall be punished with eternal torments; and yet the happiness and tranquillity of their country. The how many are there amongst us who make a jest of Amphictyons were also created to be protectors of breaking through the most solemn oaths? the oracle of Delphi, and the guardians of the prodigious riches of that temple, and also to adjudge the differences which might arise between the Delphians and those who came to consult the oracle. This council was held at Thermopyla, and sometimes at Delphi itself. It assembled regularly twice a year; in the spring and autumn, and more frequently when affairs required.

The authority of the Amphictyons had always been of great weight in Greece, but it began to decline exceedingly from the moment they condescended to admit Philip of Macedon into their body. For that prince, enjoying by this means all their rights and pri vileges, soon knew how to set himself above all law, and to abuse his power so far as to preside by proxy both in this illustrious assembly and in the Pythian games; of which games the Amphictyons were judges and agonothetæ in virtue of their office. With this Demosthenes reproaches him in his third Philippic: "When he does not deign," says he, "to honour us with his presence, he sends his slaves to preside over us." An odious but emphatical term, and highly cha racteristic of Grecian liberty, by which the Athenian orator designates the base and abject subjection of the

The number of people or cities which had a right to sit in this assembly is not precisely known, and varied, without doubt, at different times. When the Lacedæmonians, in order to secure to themselves alone an influence over the decrees of this council, were desirous of excluding the Thessalians, Argives, and Thebans; Themistocles,' in the speech he made to the Amphictyons to prevent that design from taking effect, seems to insinuate that there were only one-and-greatest lords in Philip's court. thirty cities at that time which had this right.

Each city sent two deputies, and, consequently, had two votes in the council; and that without distinction, or the more powerful having any prerogative of honour or pre-eminence over inferior states in regard to the suffrages; the liberty upon which these nations valued themselves, requiring that every thing should be equal amongst them.

The Amphictyons had full power to discuss and determine finally in all differences which might arise between the Amphictyonic cities, and to fine the culpable in heavy penalties. They could employ not only the rigour of the laws in the execution of their decrees, but even raise troops, if it were necessary, to compel such as rebelled to submit to them. The three sacred wars undertaken by their order, of which I have spoken elsewhere, are an evident proof of this power.

Before they were installed into this body, they took a very remarkable oath, of which Eschines has preserved the form; it runs to this effect: "I swear that I will never destroy any of the cities honoured with the right of sitting in the Amphictyonic council, nor turn their running waters out of their course either in times of war or peace. If any people shall make such an attempt, I hereby engage to carry the war into their country, to demolish their cities, towns, and vil

1 Plut. in Themist. p. 122.

2 Eschin. in Orat. πepì napanpeoßcías. VOL. I.-48

If the reader desires a more intimate knowledge of what relates to the Amphictyons, the dissertations of Monsieur Valois may be consulted, in the Memoirs of the Academy of Belles Lettres, wherein this subject is treated with great extent and erudition.

SECTION IX.-OF THE REVENUES OF ATHENS. THE revenues, according to the passage of Aristophanes, which I have cited above, and consequently as they stood in the time of the Peloponnesian war, amounted to 2000 talents; that is to say, to 6,000,000 of livres. They are generally classed under four heads.

1. The first relates to the revenues arising from ag riculture, the sale of woods, the produce of the silver mines, and other funds of a like nature, appertaining to the public. Amongst these may be included the duties upon the import and export of merchandise, and the taxes levied upon the inhabitants of the city, as well natives as strangers.

In the history of Athens mention is often made of the silver mines of Laurium, which was a mountain situate between the Piraeus and Cape Sunium, and those of Thrace, from whence many persons drew immense riches. Xenophon, in a treatise wherein he considers this subject at large, demonstrates how much the public might gain by industriously working

• Vol. iii.

De ration. redituum.

5

• Τέλη.

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