his troops in such a manner as that they might all act together effectively. The attack was executed according to Agesilaus's plan; the besiegers were beaten, and from thenceforth Agesilaus conducted all the operations of the war with so much success, that the prince their enemy was always overcome, and at last taken prisoner. The following winter, after having A. M. 3643. firmly established Nectanebus, he Ant. J. C. 361. embarked to return to Lacedæmon, and was driven by contrary winds upon the coast of Africa, into a place called the port of Manelaus, where he fell sick and died, at the age of fourscore and four years. He had reigned fortyone of them at Sparta; and of those forty-one he had passed thirty with the reputation of the greatest and most powerful of all the Greeks, and had been looked upon as the leader and king of almost all Greece, till the battle of Leuctra. His latter years did not entirely support the reputation he had acquired; and Xenophon, in his eulogium of this prince, wherein he gives him the preference to all other captains, has been found to exaggerate his virtues, and extenuate his faults too much. The body of Agesilaus was carried to Sparta. Those who were about him not having honey, with which it was the Spartan custom to cover the bodies they wished to embalm, made use of wax in its stead. His son Archidamus succeeded to the throne, which continued in his house down to Agis, who was the fifth king of the line of Agesilaus. Towards the end of the Egyptian war, the greatest part of the provinces in subjection to Persia revolted. Artaxerxes Mnemon had been the involuntary occasion of this defection. That prince, of himself, was good, equitable, and benevolent. He loved his people and was beloved by them. He had abundance of mildness and sweetness of temper in his character; but that easiness degenerated into sloth and luxury, and particularly in the latter years of his life, in which he discovered a dislike for all business and application, from whence the good qualities which he otherwise possessed, as well as his beneficent intentions, became useless and without effect. The satraps and governors of provinces, abusing his favour and the infirmities of his great age, oppressed the people, treated them with insolence and cruelty, loaded them with taxes, and did every thing in their power to render the Persian yoke insupportable. The discontent became general, and broke out, after long suffering, almost at the same time on all sides. Asia Minor, Syria, Phoenicia, and many other provinces, declared themselves openly, and took up arms. The principal leaders of the conspiracy were, Ariobarzanes satrap of Phrygia, Mausolus king of Caria, Orontes governor of Mysia, and Autophradates governor of Lydia. Datames, of whom mention has been made before, and who commanded in Cappadocia, was also engaged in it. By this means, half the revenues of the crown were on a sudden diverted into different channels, and the remainder would not have been sufficient for the expenses of a war against the revolters, had they acted in concert. But their union was of no long continuance; and those who had been the first and most zealous in shaking off the yoke, were also the foremost in resuming it, and in betraying the interests of the others, to make their peace with the king. The provinces of Asia Minor, on withdrawing from their obedience, had entered into a confederacy for their mutual defence, and had chosen Orontes, governor of Mysia, for their general. They had also resolved to add 20,000 foreign troops to those of the country, and had charged the same Orontes with the care of raising them. But when he had got the money for that service into his hands, with the addition of a year's pay, he kept it for himself, and delivered to the king the persons who had brought it from the revolted provinces. Reomithras, another of the chiefs of Asia Minor, being sent into Egypt to draw succours from that kingdom, committed a treachery of a like nature. Having brought from that country 500 talents and fifty ships of war, he assembled the principal revolters at Leucas, a city of Asia Minor, under pretence of giving them an account of his negotiation, seized them all, delivered them to the king to make his peace, and kept the money he had received in Egypt for the confederacy. Thus this formidable revolt, which had brought the Persian empire to the very brink of ruin, dissolved of itself, or to speak more properly, was suspended for some time. SECTION XI.-TROUBLES AT THE COURT OF AR TAXERRES CONCERNING HIS SUCCESSOR. DEATH bals. The whole court were divided into factions in It was Tiribazus, of whom mention has been made several times in the preceding volume, who contributed the most to his taking so unnatural a resolution, from a like subject of discontent against the king; who having promised to give him first one of his daughters in marriage, and then another, broke his word both times, and married them himself. Such abominable incest was permitted at that time in Persia, the religion of the nation not prohibiting it. The number of the conspirators was already very great, and the day fixed for the execution, when a eunuch, well informed of the whole plot, discovered it to the king. Upon that information, Artaxerxes thought it would be highly imprudent to despise so great a danger, by neglecting a strict inquiry into it; but that it would be much more so, to give credit to it without certain and unquestionable proof. He assured himself of it with his own eyes. The conspirators were suffered to enter the king's apartment, and then seized. Darius and all his accomplices were punished as they deserved. After the death of Darius, the cabals began again. Three of his brothers were competitors; Ariaspes, Ochus, and Arsames. The two former pretended to the throne in right of birth, being the sons of the queen. The third had the king's favour, who tenderly loved him, though only the son of a concubine. Ochus, prompted by his restless ambition, studied perpetually the means to rid himself of both his rivals. As he was equally cunning and cruel, he employed his craft and artifice against Ariaspes, and his cruelty against Arsames. Knowing the former to be extremely simple and credulous, he made the eunuchs of the palace, whom he had found means to corrupt, threaten him so terribly in the name of the king his father, that, expecting every moment to be treated as Darius had been, he poisoned himself to avoid it. After this, there remained only Arsames to give him umbrage, because his father and all the world considered that prince as most worthy of the throne, from his ability and other excellent qualities. Him he caused to be assassinated by Harpates, son of Tiribazus. This loss, which followed close upon the other, and the exceeding wickedness with which both were attended, gave the old king a grief that proved mortal: nor is it surprising, that at his age he should not have strength enough to support so great A. M. 3643. an affliction. It overpowered him, Ant. J. C. 361. and brought him to the grave, after a reign of forty-three years, which might have been called happy, if it had not been interrupted by many revolts. That of his successor will be no less disturbed with them. SECTION XII.-CAUSES OF THE FREQUENT INSUR RECTIONS AND REVOLTS IN THE PERSIAN EMPIRE. them responsible for their bad success, after having let them want every thing necessary to conduct to iL VI. The kings of Persia had extremely degenerated from the frugality of Cyrus and the ancient Persians, who contented themselves with cresses and salads for their food, and water for their drink. The whole nobility had been infected with the contagion of this example. In retaining the single meal of their ancestors, they made it last during the greatest part of the day, and prolonged it far into the night by drinking to excess; and far from being ashamed of drunkenness, they made it their glory, as we have seen in the younger Cyrus. VII. The extreme remoteness of the provinces, which extended from the Caspian and Euxine to the Red Sea and Ethiopia, and from the rivers Gangesi and Indus to the Egean Sea, was a great obstacle to the fidelity and affection of the people, who never had the satisfaction to enjoy the presence of their masters; I HAVE taken care in relation to the seditions that who knew them only by the weight of their taxations, happened in the Persian empire, to observe from time and by the pride and avarice of their satraps, or goto time the abuses which occasioned them. But as vernors; and who, in transporting themselves to the these revolts were more frequent than ever in the lat-court, to make their demands and complaints there, ter years, and will be more so, especially in the succeeding reign, I thought it would be proper to unite here, under one point of view, the different causes of these insurrections, which foretell the approaching decline of the Persian empire. I. After the reign of Artaxerxes Longimanus, the kings of Persia abandoned themselves more and more to the charms of voluptuousness and luxury, and the delights of an indolent and inactive life. Shut up generally in their palaces, amongst women and a crowd of flatterers, they contented themselves with enjoying, in soft effeminate ease and idleness, the pleasure of universal command, and make their grandeur consist in the splendid glare of riches and an expensive magnificence. could not hope to find access to princes, who believed it contributed to the majesty of their persons to make themselves inaccessible and invisible. VIII. The multitude of the provinces in subjection to Persia did not compose a uniform empire, nor the regular body of a state whose members were united by the common ties of interest, manners, language, and religion, and animated with the same spirit of government, under the guidance of the same laws. It was rather a confused, disjointed, tumultuous, and even forced assemblage of different nations, formerly free and independent; of whom some, who were torn from their native countries and the sepulchres of their forefathers, saw themselves with grief transported into unknown regions, or amongst enemies, where they persevered in retaining their own laws and customs, and a form of government peculiar to themselves. These different nations, who not only lived without any common tie or relation between them, but with a diversity of manners and worship, and often with antipathy of characters and inclinations, desired nothing so ardently as their liberty and re-establishment in their own countries. All these people therefore were unconcerned for the preservation of an empire which was the sole obstacle to their so warm and just desires, and could not feel any affection for a govern III. The great offices of the crown, the government ment that treated them always as strangers and subof the provinces, the command of armies, were gene-jected nations, and never gave them any share in its rally bestowed upon people without either the claim of service or merit. It was the influence of the favourites, the secret intrigues of the court, the solicitations of the women of the palace, which determined the choice of the persons who were to fill the most important posts of the empire, and appropriated the rewards due to the officers who had done the state real service, to their own creatures. II. They were, besides, princes of no great talents for the conduct of affairs, of small capacity in the art of governing, and void of taste for glory. Not having a sufficient extent of mind to animate all the parts of so vast an empire, nor sufficient strength to support the weight of it, they transferred to their officers the cares of public business, the fatigues of commanding armies, and the dangers which attend the execution of great enterprises; confining their ambition to bearing alone the lofty title of the Great King, and the King of kings. IV. These courtiers, frequently, through a base and mean jealousy of the merit that gave them umbrage and reproached their small abilities, removed their rivals from public employments, and rendered their talents useless to the state. Sometimes they would even cause their fidelity to be suspected by false informations, bring them to trial as criminals against the state, and force the king's most faithful servants, in order to defend themselves against their calumniators, to seek their safety in revolting and in turning those arms against their prince, which they had so often made triumph for his glory and the service of the empire. V. The ministers, to hold the generals in dependence, restrained them under such limited orders as obliged them to let slip the opportunities of conquering, and prevented them, by waiting for new orders, from pushing their advantages. They also often made authority or privileges. IX. The extent of the empire, and its remoteness from the court, made it necessary to give the viceroys of the frontier provinces a very great authority in every branch of government; to raise and pay armies; to impose tributes; to adjudge the quarrels of cities, provinces, and vassal kings; and to make treaties with the neighbouring states. A power so extensive and almost independent, in which they continued many years without being changed, and without colleagues or council to deliberate upon the affairs of their provinces, accustomed them to the pleasure of commanding absolutely, and of reigning. In consequence of which, it was with great repugnance they submitted to be removed from their governments, and often endeavoured to support themselves in them by force of arms. X. The governors of provinces, the generals of armies, and all the other officers and ministers, gloried in imitating in their equipages, tables, furniture, and dress, the pomp and splendour of the court in which they had been educated. To support so destructive a pride, and to supply expenses so much above the for [Our author is mistaken here. The Persian empire never extended to the Ganges. It extended only a short way beyond the Indus, into the Punjaub. See a forme note on Darius' conquest of India.] tunes of private persons, they were reduced to oppress | the usual forerunner of the ruin of states. Their the subjects under their jurisdiction with exorbitant just complaints, long time despised, were followed by taxes, flagrant extortions, and the shameful traffic of a an open rebellion of several nations, who endeavoured public venality, that set those offices to sale for money, to do themselves that justice by force, which was rewhich ought to have been granted only to merit. All fused to their remonstrances. In such a conduct, they that vanity lavished, or luxury exhausted, was made failed in the submission and fidelity which subjects good by mean arts, and the violent rapaciousness of an owe to their sovereigns; but Paganism did not carry insatiable avarice. its lights so far, and was not capable of so sublime a perfection, which was reserved for a religion that teaches, that no pretext, no injustice, no vexation, can ever authorize the rebellion of a people against their prince. These gross irregularities, and abundance of others, which remained without remedy, and which were daily augmented by impunity, tired the people's patience, and occasioned a general discontent amongst them, THE HISTORY OF THE PERSIANS AND GRECIANS. BOOK XIII. 1 all those who gave him any umbrage, sparing none of the nobility whom he suspected of harbouring the least discontent whatsoever. A. M. 3648. Ant. J. C. 356. The cruelties exercised by Ochus did not deliver him from inquietude.5 Artabazus, governor of one of the Asiatic provinces, engaged Chares the Athenian, who commanded a fleet and a body of troops in those parts, to assist him, and with his aid defeated an army of 70,000 men sent by the king to reduce him. Artabazus, in reward of so great a service, made Chares a present of money to defray the whole expenses of his armament. The king of Persia resented exceedingly this conduct of the Athenians towards him. They were at that time employed in the war of the allies. The king's menace to join their enemies with a numerous army obliged them to recall Charus. SECTION I.-OCHUS ASCENDS THE THRONE OF PER- | with the same barbarity, throughout the whole empire, SIA. HIS CRUELTIES. REVOLT OF SEVERAL NATIONS. THE more the memory of Artaxerxes Mnemon was honoured and revered throughout the whole empire, the more Ochus believed he had reason to fear for himself; convinced, that in succeeding to him, he should not find the same favourable dispositions in the people and nobility, by whom he had made himself abhorred for the murder of his two brothers. To prevent that aversion from occasioning his exclusion, he prevailed upon the eunuchs, and others about the king's person, to conceal his death from the public. He began by taking upon himself the administration of affairs, giving orders and sealing decrees in the name of Artaxerxes, as if he had been still alive; and by one of those decrees he caused himself to be proclaimed king throughout the whole empire, still by the order of Artaxerxes. After having governed in this manner almost ten months, believing himself sufficiently established, he at length declared the death of his father, and ascended the throne, taking upon himself the name of Artaxerxes. Authors, however, most frequently give him that of Ochus, by which name I shall generally call him in the sequel A. M. 3644. Ant. J.C. 360. of this history. Ochus was the most cruel and wicked of all the princes of his race, as his actions soon evinced. In a very short time the palace and the whole empire were filled with his murders. To remove from the revolted provinces all pretext of setting some other of the royal family upon the throne, and to rid himself at once of all trouble that the princes and princesses of the blood might occasion him, he put them all to death, without regard to sex, age, or proximity of blood. He caused his own sister Ocha, whose daughter he had married, to be burried alive; and having shut up one of his uncles, with 100 of his sons and grandsons, in a court of the palace, he ordered them all to be shot to death with arrows, only because those princes were much esteemed by the Persians for their probity and valour. That uncle is probably the father of Sisygambis, the mother of Darius Codomannus: for Quintus Curtius4 tells us that Ochus had caused fourscore of her brothers, with their father, to be massacred in one day. He treated A. M. 3651. Ant. J. C. 353. Artabazus, being abandoned by them, had recourse to the Thebans, of whom he obtained 5000 men that he took into his pay, with Pammenes to command them. This reinforcement put him into a condition to acquire two signal victories over the king's troops. Those two actions did the Theban troops and their commander great honour. Thebes must have been extremely incensed against the king of Persia, to send so powerful a succour to his enemies, at a time when that republic was engaged in a war with the Phocæans. It was, perhaps, an effect of their policy, to render themselves more formidable, and to enhance the price of their alliance. It is certain that soon after they made their peace with the king, who paid them 300 talents, that is to say, 300,000 crowns. Artabazus, destitute of all support, was overcome at last, and obliged to take refuge with Philip in Macedon. Ochus being delivered at length from so dangerous an enemy, turned all his thoughts towards Egypt, that had revolted long before. About the same time several considerable events happened in Greece, which have little or no connection with the affairs of Persia. I shall insert them here, after which I shall return to the reign of Ochus, not to interrupt the series of his history. 466 SECTION II-WAR OF THE ALLIES AGAINST THE A. M. 3646. Ant. J. C. 358. SOME few years after the revolt of Asia Minor, of which I have been speaking, in the third year of the 105th Olympiad, Chios, Cos, Rhodes, and Byzantium, took up arms against Athens, upon which till then they had been dependent. To reduce them, the Athenians employed both great forces and great captains; Chabrias, Iphicrates, and Timotheus. They were the last of the Athenian generals, who did honour to their country; no one after them distinguishing himself by his merit or reputation. Chabrias had already acquired a great name,2 when, having been sent to the aid of the Thebans, against the Spartans, and seeing himself abandoned in the battle by the allies, who had taken flight, he sustained alone the charge of the enemy; his soldiers, by his order, having closed their files with one knee upon the ground, covered with their bucklers, and presenting their pikes in front, in such a manner that they could not be broken; and Agesilaus, though victorious, was obliged to retire. The Athenians erected a statue to Chabrias in the attitude in which he had fought. Iphicrates was of a very mean extraction, his father having been a shoemaker. But in a free city like Athens, merit was the sole nobility. This person may be truly said to have been the son of his actions. Having signalized himself in a naval combat, wherein he was only a private soldier, he was soon after employed with distinction, and honoured with a command. In a prosecution carried on against him before the judges, his accuser, who was one of the descendants of Harmodius, and plumed himself extremely upon his ancestor's name, having reproached him with the baseness of his birth; "Yes," replied he, "the nobility of my family begins in me; that of yours ends in you." He married the daughter of Cotys, king of Thrace. 'He is ranked with the greatest men of Greece, especially in what regards the knowledge of war and military discipline. He made several useful alterations in the soldiers' armour. Before his time the bucklers were very long and heavy, and for that reason were too great a burden, and extremely cumbersome. He had them made shorter and lighter, so that, without exposing the body, they added to its force and agility. On the contrary, he lengthened the pikes and swords, to make them capable of reaching the enemy at a greater distance. He also changed the cuirasses, and instead of iron and brass, of which they were made before, he caused them to be made of linen. It is not easy to conceive how such armour could defend the soldiers, or be any security against wounds: but the linen, being soaked in vinegar, mingled with salt, was prepared in such a manner that it grew hard, and became impenetrable to the sword as well as fire. The use of it was common amongst several nations. No troops were ever better exercised or disciplined than those of Iphicrates. He kept them always in action, and in times of peace and tranquillity made them perform all the necessary evolutions, either for attacking the enemy, or defending themselves; for laying ambuscades, or avoiding them; for keeping their ranks even in the pursuit of the enemy, without abandoning themselves to an ardour which often be Hæc extrema fuit ætas imperatorum Atheniensium, Iphicratis, Chabria, Timothei: neque post illorum obitum quisquam dux in illa urbe fuit dignus memoriâ. Cor. Nep. in Timol, c. iv. 2 Cor. Nep. in Chab, c, i. Diod. l. xv. p. 360. Cor. Nep. in Iphic. c. 1. Iphicrates Atheniensis, non tam magnitudine rerum gestarum, quàm disciplinâ militari nobilitatus est. Fuit enim talis dux, ut non solùm ætatis suæ cum primis compararetur, sed ne de majoribus natu quidem easquam antenoneretur. Cor. Nep. comes pernicious; or to rally with success, after hav ing begun to break and give way. So that when a battle was to be fought, on the first signal all was in motion with admirable promptitude and order. The officers and soldiers drew themselves up, of their own accord, in order of battle, and even in the heat of aetion performed their parts as the most able general would have directed them: a merit very rare, as I have been informed, but very estimable; as it contributes more than can be imagined to the gaining of a battle, and implies a very uncommon superiority of genius in the general. Timotheus was the son of Conon, so much celebrated for his great actions and the important services he had rendered his country. He did not degenerate from his father's reputation,5 either with regard to his merit in the field, or his ability in the government of the state; but he added to those excellences the glory which results from the talents of the mind, having dis tinguished himself particularly by the gift of eloquence and a taste for the sciences. No captain at first ever experienced less than himself the inconstancy of the fortune of war. He had only to undertake an enterprise, to accomplish it. Success perpetually attended his views and desires. Such uncommon prosperity did not fail to excite jealousy. Those who envied him, as I have already observed, caused him to be painted asleep, with Fortune by his side taking cities for him in nets. Timotheus retorted coolly, "If I take places in my sleep, what shall I do when I am awake?" He took the thing afterwards more seriously; and, angry with those who pretended to lessen the glory of his actions, declared in public, that he did not owe his success to Fortune, but to himself. That goddess, says Plutarch, offended at his pride and arrogance, abandoned him afterwards entirely, and he was never successful afterwards. Such were the chiefs employed in the war of the allies. The war and the campaign opened with the seige of Chios. Chares commanded the land, and Chabrias the sea forces.7 All the allies exerted themselves in sending aid to that island. Chabrias, having forced the mouth of the harbour, entered it, notwithstanding all the endeavours of the enemy. The other_galleys were afraid to follow, and abandoned him. He was immediately surrounded on all sides, and his vessel exceedingly damaged by the assaults of the enemy. He might have saved himself by swimming to the Athenian fleet, as his soldiers did; but from a mistaken principle of glory, he thought it inconsistent with the duty of a general to abandon his vessel in such a manner, and preferred a death, glorious in his opinion to a shameful flight. This first attempt having miscarried, both sides applied themselves vigorously to making new preparations. The Athenians fitted out a fleet of sixty galleys, and appointed Chares to command it, and armed sixty more under Iphicrates and Timotheus. The fleet of the allies consisted of 100 sail. After having ravaged several islands belonging to the Athenians, where they made a great booty, they undertook the siege of Samos. The Athenians on their side, having united all their forces, besieged Byzantium. The allies made all possible haste to its relief. The two fleets being in view of each other, were preparing to fight, when suddenly a violent storm arose: notwithstanding which, Chares resolved to advance against the enemy. The two other Captains, who had more prudence and experience than he, thought it improper to hazard a battle in such a conjuncture. Chares, Hic à patre acceptam gloriam multis auxit virtutibus, Fuit enim disertus, impiger, laboriosus, rei militaris peritus, neque minus civitatis regendæ. Cor. Nep. c.i. Timotheus Cononis filius, cùm belli laude non inferior fuisset quàm pater, ad eam laudem doctrinæ et ingenii gloriam adjecit. Cic. 1. i. de Offic. n. 116. Plut, Syl. p. 454. Diod. I. xvi. p. 412. Cor. Nep, in Chab. c. v. enraged at their not following his advice, called the | themselves seriously to prevent their effects by a genesoldiers to witness, that it was not his fault they did ral peace. not defeat the enemy. He was naturally vain, ostentatious, and self-conceited; one who exaggerated his own services, depreciated those of others, and arrogated to himself the whole glory of success. He wrote to Athens against his two colleagues, and accused them of cowardice and treason. Upon his complaint, the people,1 capricious, warm, suspicious, and naturally jealous of such as were distinguished by their extraordinary merit or authority, recalled those two generals, and brought them to a trial. The faction of Chares, which was very powerful at Athens, having declared against Timotheus, he was sentenced to pay a fine of 100 talents ;2 a worthy reward for the noble disinterestedness he had shown upon another occasion, in bringing home to his country 1200 talents arising from the booty taken from the enemy,3 without reserving any part for himself! He could bear no longer the sight of an ungrateful city, and, being too poor to pay so great a fine, retired to Chalcis. After his death, the people, touched with repentance, mitigated the fine to ten talents, which they made his son Conon pay, to rebuild a certain part of the walls. Thus, by an event sufficiently odd, those very walls, which his grandfather had rebuilt with the spoils of the enemy, the grandson, to the shame of Athens, repaired in part at his own expense. Iphicrates was also obliged to answer for himself before the judges.4 It was upon this occasion that Aristophon, another Athenian captain, accused him of having betrayed and sold the fleet under his command. Iphicrates, with the confidence which an established reputation inspires, asked him, "Would you have committed a treason of this nature?" "No," replied Aristophon, " I am a man of too much honour for such an action!" "How!" replied Iphicrates, "could Iphicrates do what Aristophon would not do ?" Prior to these menaces, Isocrates had earnestly recommended this measure to them in a fine discourse, which is still extant,6 wherein he gives them excellent advice. He reproaches them with great liberty, as does Demosthenes in almost all his orations, for abandoning themselves blindly to the insinuations of the orators who flatter their passions, whilst they treated | those with contempt who gave them the most salutary counsels. He applies himself particularly to correct in them their violent passion for the augmentation of their power and dominion over the people of Greece, which had been the source of all their misfortunes. He recalls to their remembrance those happy days, so glorious for Athens, in which their ancestors, out of a noble and generous disinterestedness, sacrificed every thing for the support of the common liberty and the preservation of Greece, and compares them with those sad times, wherein the ambition of Sparta, and afterwards that of Athens, had plunged both states suc cessfully into the greatest misfortunes. He represents to them, that the real and lasting greatness of a state does not consist in augmenting its dominions, or extending its conquests to the utmost, which cannot be effected without violence and injustice; but in the wise government of the people, in rendering them happy, in protecting their allies, in being beloved and esteemed by their neighbours, and feared by their enemies." A state," says he, "cannot fail of becoming the arbiter of all its neighbours, when it knows how to unite in all its measures two great qualities, justice and power, which mutually support each other, and ought to be inseparable. For as power, not regulated by the motives of reason and justice, has recourse to the most violent methods to crush and subvert whatever opposes it; so justice, when unarmed and without power, is exposed to injury, and is incapable of defending itself, or protecting others." The conclusion drawn by Isocrates from this reasoning is, that Athens, if it would be happy, and in tranquillity, ought to confine her dominion within just bounds, not to affect the empire of the sea for the sake of lording it over all other states; but to conclude a peace, whereby every city and people should be left to the full enjoyment of their liberty; and declare herself the irreconcilable enemy of those who should presume to disturb that peace, or contravene such measures. The peace was concluded accord He did not employ the force of arguments alone in his defence, he called in also the assistance of arms.5 Instructed by his colleague's ill success, he saw plainly that it was more necessary to intimidate than convince his judges. He posted round the place where they assembled a number of young persons armed with poniards, which they took care to show from time to time. They could not resist so forcible and triumphant a kind of eloquence, and dismissed him with an acquittal. When he was afterwards reproached with so violent a proceeding; "I should have been a foolingly under such conditions; and it indeed," said he, "if, having made war successfully for the Athenians, I had neglected doing so for my self." Chares, by the recall of his two colleagues, was left sole general of the whole army, and was in a condition of very much advancing the Athenian åffairs in the Hellespont, if he had known how to resist the magnificent offers of Artabazus. That viceroy, who had revolted in Asia Minor against the king of Persia his master, besieged by an army of 70,000 men, and just upon the point of being ruined from the inequality of his forces, corrupted Chares. That general, who had no thoughts but of enriching himself, marched directly to the assistance of Artabazus, effectually relieved him, and received a reward suitable to the service. The action of Chares was treated as a capital crime. He had not only abandoned the service of the republic for a foreign war, but had moreover offended the king of Persia, who threatened by his ambassadors to equip 300 sail of ships in favour of the islanders who were united in confederacy against Athens. The credit of Chares saved him again upon this as it had done several times before on similar occasions. The Athenians, intimidated by the king's menaces, applied Populus acer, suspicax mobilis, adversarius, invidus etlam potentiæ, domum revocat. Cor. Nep. 2 One hundred thousand crowns. Twelve hundred thousand crowns. Arist. Rhet. l. ii. c. 23. Polyæn. Stratag. l. iii. A. M. 3648. was stipulated that Rhodes, Byzan- Ant. J. C. 356. tium, Chios, and Cos, should enjoy entire liberty. The war of the allies ended in this manner, after having continued three years. SECTION III.-DEMOSTHENES ENCOURAGES THE ATHENIANS, ALARMED BY THE PREPARATIONS MADE BY ARTAXERXES FOR WAR. HE HARANGUES THEM IN FAVOUR OF THE MEGALOPOLITANS, AND AFTERWARDS OF THE RHODIANS. DEATH OF MAUSOLUS. EXTRAORDINARY GRIEF OF ARTEMISIA, HIS WIFE. THIS peace did not entirely remove the apprehension of the Athenians with regard to the king of Persia. The great preparations he was making gave them umbrage; and they were afraid so formidable an armament was intended against Greece, and that Egypt was only a plausible pretext with which the king covered his real design. A. M. 3649. Athens took the alarm upon this rumour. The orators increased the fears of the people by their dis- Ant. J. C. 355, courses, and exhorted them to have immediate recourse to arms, to prevent the king of Persia, by a previous declaration of war, and to make a league with all the states of Greece against the common enemy. Demosthenes made his first appearance in public at this time, and mounted the tribunal • De Pace, seu socialis. |