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in a great battle, Philomelus their leader, being closely attacked upon an eminence from which there was no retreating, defended himself for a long time with invincible bravery, which, however, not availing, he threw himself headlong from a rock, in order to avoid the torments which he had reason to dread, if he should fall alive into the hands of his enemies. Onomarchus his brother was his successor, and took upon him the command of the forces.

A. M. 3651.

This new general had soon levied a fresh army, the advantageous pay Ant. J. C. 353. he offered procuring him soldiers from all sides. He also by dint of money brought over several chiefs of the other party, and prevailed upon them either to retire, or to act with remissness, by which he gained great advantages.

In this general movement of the Greeks, who had taken up arms in favour either of the Phocæans or of the Thebans, Philip thought it most consistent with his interest to remain neuter. It was consistent with the policy of this ambitious prince, who had little regard for religion or the interest of Apollo, but was always intent upon his own, not to engage in a war by which he could not reap the least benefit; and to take advantage of a juncture, in which all Greece, employed and divided by a great war, gave him an opportunity to extend his frontiers, and push his conquests without any apprehension of opposition. He was also well pleased to see both parties weaken and consume each other, as he should thereby be enabled to fall upon them afterwards with greater case and advantage.

A. M. 3651. Ant. J. C. 353.

Being desirous of subjecting Thrace, and of securing the conquests he had already made in it, he determined to possess himself of Methone, a small city, incapable of supporting itself by its own strength, but which gave him disquiet, and obstructed his designs, whenever it was in the hands of his enemies. Accordingly he besieged that city, made himself master of it, and rased it. It was before this city that he lost one of his eyes, by a very singular accident. Aster of Amphipolis had offered his service to Philip as so excellent a marksman, that he could bring down birds in their most rapid flight. The monarch made this answer, "Well, I will take you into my service when I make war upon starlings;" which answer stung the cross-bow-man to the quick. A repartee proves often of fatal consequence to him who makes it; and it is no small merit to know when to hold one's tongue. Aster having thrown himself into the city, he let fly an arrow, on which was written, "To Philip's right eye," and gave him a most cruel proof that he was a good marksman; for it hit him in his right eye. Philip sent him back the same arrow, with this inscription, "If Philip takes the city, he will hang up Aster;" and accordingly he was as good as his word.

8

A skilful surgeon drew the arrow out of Philip's eye with so much art and dexterity, that not the least scar remained; and though he could not save his eye, he yet took away the blemish. But nevertheless this monarch was so weak, as to be angry whenever any person happened to let slip the word Cyclops, or even the word eye, in his presence. Men, however, seldom blush for an honourable imperfection. A Lacedæmonian woman thought more like a man, when to console her son for a glorious wound that had lamed him, she said, "Now, son, every step you take will put you in mind of your valour."

After the taking of Methone, Philip, ever studious either to weaken his enemies by new conquests, or gain new friends by doing them some important service, marched into Thessaly, which had implored his assistance against the tyrants. The liberty of that

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country seemed now secure, since Alexander of Phere was no more. Nevertheless, the brothers of his wife Thebé, who, in concert with her, had murdered him, grown weary of having for sometime acted the part of deliverers, revived his tyranny, and oppressed the Thessalians with a new yoke. Lycophron, the eldest of the three brothers, who succeeded Alexander, had strengthened himself by the protection of the Phocæans. Onomarchus, their leader, brought him a numerous body of forces, and at first gained a considerable advantage over Philip; but engaging him a second time, he was entirely defeated, and his army routed. The flying troops were pursued to the seashore. Upwards of 6000 men were killed on the spot, among whom was Onomarchus, whose body was hung upon a gallows; and 3000 who were taken prisoners, were thrown into the sea by Philip's order, as so many sacrilegious wretches, the professed enemies of religion. Lycophron delivered up the city of Phere, and restored Thessaly to its liberty by abandoning it. By the happy success of this expedition, Philip acquired for ever the affection of the Thessalians, whose excellent cavalry, joined to the Macedonian phalanx, had afterwards so great a share in his victories and those of his son.

Phaylius, who succeeded his brother Onomarchus, finding the same resources as he had done, in the immense riches of the temple, raised a numerous army; and, supported by the troops of the Lacedæmonians, Athenians, and other allies, whom he paid very largely, went into Bootia, and invaded the Thebans. For a long time success and defeat were nearly equal on both sides; but at last Phayllus being attacked with a sudden and violent distemper, after suffering the most cruel torments, ended his life in a manner worthy of his impieties and sacrilegious actions. Phalecus, then very young, the son of Onomarchus, was placed in his room; and Mnaseas, a man of great experience, and strongly attached to his family, was appointed his counsellor.

A. M. 3652.

Ant. J. C. 352.

The new leader, treading in the steps of his predecessors, plundered the temple as they had done, and enriched all his friends. At last the Phocæans opened their eyes, and appointed commissioners to call those to account who had any concern in the public monies. Upon this, Phalecus was deposed; and after an exact inquiry, it was found, that from the beginning of the war there had been taken out of the temple upwards of 10,000 talents; that is, about 1,500,000l. Philip, after having freed the Thessalians, resolved to carry his arms into Phocis. This is his first attempt to get footing in Greece, and to have a share in the general affairs of the Greeks, from which the kings of Macedon had always been excluded as foreigners. With this view, upon pretence of going over into Phocis, in order to punish the sacrilegious Phocæans, he marches towards Thermopylæ, to possess himself of a pass which gave him a free passage into Greece, and especially into Attica. The Athenians upon hearing of a march which might prove of the most fatal consequence to them, hasted to Thermopyle, and possessed themselves very seasonably of this important pass, which Philip did not dare attempt to force; so that he was obliged to return back into Macedonia.

SECTION III.-DEMOSTHENES UPON PHILIP'S AT

TEMPT ON THERMOPYLE, HARANGUES THE ATHENIANS, AND ANIMATES THEM AGAINST THAT PRINCE. LITTLE REGARD IS PAID TO HIS ADVICE. OLYNTHUS, UPON THE POINT OF BEING BESIEGED BY PHILIP, ADDRESSES THE ATHENIANS FOR SUCCOUR. DEMOSTHENES ENDEAVOURS BY HIS ORATIONS TO ROUSE THEM FROM THEIR LETHARGY. THEY SEND BUT A VERY WEAK SUCCOUR, AND PHILIP AT LENGTH TAKES THE PLACE.

As we shall soon see Philip engaged against the Athenians, and as they by the strong exhortations and

prudent counsels of Demosthenes, will become his greatest enemies, and the most powerful opposers of his ambitious designs, it may not be improper, before we enter upon that part of the history, to give a short account of the state of Athens, and of the disposition of the citizens at that time.

We must not form a judgment of the character of the Athenians, in the age of which we are now speaking, from that of their ancestors, in the time of the battles of Marathon and of Salamis, from whose virtue they had extremely degenerated. They were no longer the same men, and had no longer the same maxims nor the same manners. They no longer discovered the same zeal for the public good, the same application to the affairs of the state, the same courage in enduring the fatigues of war by sea and land, the same care in managing the revenues, the same willingness to receive salutary advice, the same discernment in the choice of generals of the armies, and of the magistrates to whom they intrusted the administration of the state. To these happy, these glorious dispositions, had succeeded a fondness for repose, and an indolence with regard to public affairs; an aversion for military labours, which they now left entirely to mercenary troops; and a profusion of the public treasures in games and shows; a love for the flattery which their orators lavished upon them; and an unhappy facility in conferring public offices by intrigue and cabal all the usual forerunners of the approaching ruin of states. Such was the situation of Athens at the time when the king of Macedon began to turn his arms against Greece.

We have seen that Philip, after A. M. 3652. various conquests, had attempted to Ant. J. C. 352. advance as far as Phocis, but in vain; because the Athenians, justly alarmed at the impending danger, had stopped him at the pass of Thermopyla. Demosthenes, taking advantage of so favourable a disposition, mounted the tribunal, in order to set before them a lively image of the impending danger with which they were menaced by the boundless ambition of Philip; and to convince them of the absolute necessity they were under, from hence, to apply the most speedy remedies. Now, as the success of his arms and the rapidity of his progress spread throughout Athens a kind of terror, bordering very near upon despair, the orator, by a wonderful artifice, first endeavours to revive their courage, and ascribes their calamities solely to their sloth and indolence. For, if they hitherto had acquitted themselves of their duty, and that in spite of their activity and their utmost efforts Philip had prevailed over them, they then indeed would not have the least resource or hope left. But in this oration, and all those which follow, Demosthenes insists strongly, that the aggrandizement of Philip is wholly owing to the supineness of the Athenians; and that it is this supineness which makes him bold, daring, and swells him with such a spirit of haughtiness, as even dares to insult the Athenians.

"See," says Demosthenes to them, speaking of Philip, "to what a height the arrogance of that man rises, who will not suffer you to choose either action or repose: but employs menaces, and, as fame says, speaks in the most insolent terms; and not contented with his first conquests, which are incapable of satiating his lust of dominion, engages every day in some new enterprise. Possibly you wait till necessity reduces you to act. Can there be a greater to freeborn men than shame and infamy? Will you then for ever walk in the public squares with this question in your mouths, 'What news is there? Can there be greater news, than that a Macedonian has vanquished the Athenians, and made himself the supreme arbiter of Greece? Philip is dead,' says one; 'No,' replies another, he is only sick.' [His being wounded at Methone had occasioned all these reports.] But

1 Demosth. 1 Philip.

whether he be sick or dead is nothing to the purpose, O Athenians! for the moment after Heaven had delivered you from him (should you still behave as you now do,) you would raise up another Philip against yourselves; since the man in question owes his grandeur infinitely more to your indolence, than to his own strength."

But Demosthenes, not satisfied with bare remonstrances, or with giving his opinion in general terms, proposed a plan, the execution of which he believed would check the attempts of Philip. In the first place, he advises the Athenians to fit out a fleet of fifty galleys, and to resolve firmly to man them themselves. He requires them to reinforce these with ten galleys lightly armed, which may serve to escort the convoys of the fleet and the transports. With regard to the land forces,-as in his time the general, elected by the most powerful faction, formed the army only of a confused assemblage of foreigners and mercenary troops, who did little service,-Demosthenes requires them to levy no more than 2000 chosen troops, 500 of which shall be Athenians, and the rest raised from among the allies: with 200 horse, fifty of which shall also be Athenians.

The annual expense of maintaining this little army, with regard only to provisions and other matters independent of their pay, was to amount to little more than ninety talents (90,000 crowns,) viz. forty talents for ten convoy of galleys, at the rate of twenty minæ (1000 livres) per month for each galley; forty talents for the 2000 infantry; and ten drachmas (five livres) per month for each foot-soldier, which five livres per month make a little more than three-pence farthing (French money) per diem. Finally, twelve talents for the 200 horse, at thirty drachmas (fifteen ivres) per month for each horseman, which fifteen livres per month make five sols per diem. The reason of my relating this so particularly, is to give the reader an idea of the expenses of an army in those times. Demosthenes adds, that if any one should imagine that the preparation of provision is not a considerable step, he is very much mistaken; for he is persuaded, that, provided the forces do not want provisions, the war will furnish them with every thing besides; and that without doing the least wrong to the Greeks or their allies, they will not fail of sufficient acquisitions to make up all deficiencies and arrears of pay.

But as the Athenians might be surprised at Demosthenes's requiring so small a body of forces, he gives this reason for it, viz. that at present the situa tion of the commonwealth did not permit the Athenians to oppose Philip with a force sufficient to make head against him in the field and that it would be their business to make excursions only. Thus his design was, that this little army should be hovering perpetually about the frontiers of Macedonia, to awe, observe, harass, and to press the enemy, in order to prevent them from concerting and executing such enterprises with ease, as they might think fit to attempt.

What the success of this harangue was, is not known. It is very probable, that as the Athenians were not attacked personally, they, in consequence of the supineness natural to them, were very indiffe rent with regard to the progress of Philip's arms. The divisions at this time in Greece were very favourable to that monarch. Athens and Lacedæmon on one side were solely intent on reducing the strength of Thebes their rival; whilst, on the other side, the Thessalians, in order to free themselves from their tyrants, and the Thebans, to maintain the superiority which they had acquired by the battles of Leuctra and Mantinea, devoted themselves in the most absolute manner to Philip; and assisted him, though unintentionally, in making chains for themselves.

Philip, like an able politician, knew well how to take advantage of all these dissensions. This king, in order to secure his frontiers, had nothing more at

* Each talent was worth 1000 crowns.

heart than to enlarge them towards Thrace; and this he could not do but at the expense of the Athenians, who, since the defeat of Xerxes, had many colonies (besides several states who were either their allies or tributaries) in that country.

485

ments in the present oration of Demosthenes. By
this we see the great freedom with which the Athe-
nians spoke of so powerful a monarch.

Olynthus, a city of Thrace, in the peninsula of
Palene, was one of these colonies. The Olynthians
had been at great variance with Amyntas, father of
Philip, and had even very much opposed the latter
upon his accession to the crown. However, as he
was not yet firmly established on his throne, he at first
employed dissimulation, and courted the alliance of
the Olynthians, to whom, some time after, he gave up
Potidea, an important fortress, which he had con-
quered, in concert with and for them, from the Athe-
nians. When he found himself able to execute his
project, he took proper measures in order to besiege
Olynthus. The inhabitants of this city, who saw the
storm gathering at a distance, had recourse to the
Athenians, of whom they requested immediate aid.
The affair was debated in an assembly of the people;
and as it was of the utmost importance, a great num- However, this succour did not pre-
ber of orators met in the assembly. Each of them vent the designs of Philip, nor the
mounted the tribunal in his turn, which was regulated progress of his arms. For he marches
by their age. Demosthenes, who was then but four-into Chalcis, takes several places of
and-thirty, did not speak till after his seniors had dis-
cussed the matter a long time.

Our orator, after having represented Philip one moment as formidable, the next as very easy to be conquered, concludes, that the only certain method for reducing such an enemy, would be to reform the new abuses, to revive the ancient order and regulations, to appease domestic dissensions, and to suppress the cabals which are incessantly forming; and all this in such a manner, that every thing may unite in the sole point of the public service; and that, at a common expense, every man, according to his abilities, may concur in the destruction of the common enemy. Demades, bribed by Philip's gold, opposed very strenuously the advice of Demosthenes, but in vain; for the Athenians sent, under the conduct of Chares the general, thirty galleys and 2000 men to succour the Olynthians, who in this urgent necessity, which so nearly affected all the Greeks in general, could obtain assistance only from the Athenians.

Ant. J. C. 349.
A. M. 3655.

strength, makes himself master of the fortress of
Gira, which he demolishes, and spreads terror through-
out the whole country. Olynthus, being thus more
closely pressed, and menaced with destruction, sent a
second embassy to Athens, to solicit a new reinforce-
ment. Demosthenes argues very strongly in favour
of their request, and proves to the Athenians, that
they were equally obliged by honour and interest to
have regard to it. This is the subject of the Olyn-
thiac generally reckoned as the third.

The greatest difficulty was the means of raising sufficient sums for defraying the expenses requisite for the succour of the Olynthians; because the military funds were otherwise employed, viz. for the celebration of the public games.

In this discourse, the orator, the better to succeed in his aim, alternately terrifies and encourages the Athenians. For this purpose, he represents Philip in two very different lights. On one side, he is a man whose unbounded ambition the empire of the whole world would not satiate; a haughty tyrant, who looks upon all men, and even his allies, as so many subjects or slaves; and who, for that reason, is no less incensed by too slow a submission, than an open revolt; The orator, always animated with a strong and a vigilant politician, who, always intent on taking ad- lively zeal for the safety and glory of his country, envantage of the oversights and errors of others, seizes deavours to intimidate the Athenians, by setting bewith eagerness every favourable opportunity; an in- fore them the dangers with which they are threatened; defatigable warrior, whom his activity multiplies, and exhibiting to them a most dreadful prospect of the fu who supports perpetually the most severe toils, with- ture, if they do not rouse from their lethargy: for out allowing himself a moment's repose, or having that, in case Philip seizes upon Olynthus, he will inethe least regard to the difference of seasons; an in-vitably attack Athens afterwards with all his forces. trepid hero, who rushes through obstacles, and plunges into the midst of dangers; a corrupter, who with his purse bargains, traffics, buys, and employs gold no less than iron; a happy prince, on whom fortune lavishes her favours, and for whom she seems to have forgotten her inconstancy; but, on the other side, this When the Athenians, at the end of the war of same Philip is an imprudent man, who measures his Ægina, had concluded a thirty years' peace with the vast projects, not by his strength, but merely by Lacedæmonians, they resolved to put into their treahis ambition; a rash man, who, by his attempts, him-sury, by way of reserve, 1000 talents every year; at self digs the grave of his own grandeur, and opens precipices before him, down which a small effort would throw him; a knave, whose power is raised on the most ruinous of all foundations, breach of faith, and villany; a usurper, hated universally abroad, who, by trampling upon all laws, human and divine, has made all nations his enemies; a tyrant, detested even in the heart of his dominions, in which, by the infamy of his manners and his other vices, he has tired out the patience of his captains, his soldiers, and of all his subjects in general; to conclude, a perjured and impious wretch, equally abhorred by heaven and earth, and whom the gods are now upon the point of destroying by any hand that will administer to their wrath, and second their vengeance.

This is the double picture of Philip, which M. de Tourreil draws, by uniting the several detached linea

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the same time prohibiting any person, upon pain of
death, to mention the employing any part of it, except
for repulsing an enemy who should invade Attica.
This was at first observed with the warmth and fer-
vour which men have for all new institutions. After-
wards Pericles, in order to make his court to the peo-
ple, proposed to distribute among them, in times of
peace, the 1000 talents, and to apply it in giving to
each citizen two oboli at the public shows, upon con-
dition, however, that they might resume this fund in
time of war.
restriction also. But as all concessions of this kind
The proposal was approved, and the
degenerate one time or other into license, the Athe-
nians were so highly pleased with this distribution
(called by Demades birdlime by which the Athenians
would be catched) that they would not suffer it to be
retrenched upon any account. The abuse was carried
to such a height, that Eubulus, one of the heads of the
faction which opposed Demosthenes, caused a decree
to be passed, prohibiting any person, upon pain of
death, from so much as proposing to restore, for the
service of the war, those funds which Pericles had

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486

transferred to the games and public shows. Apollodorus was even punished for declaring himself of a contrary opinion, and for insisting upon it.

This absurd profusion had very strange effects. It was impossible to supply it but by imposing taxes, the inequality of which (being entirely arbitrary) perpetuated strong feuds, and made the military preparations so very slow as quite defeated the design of them, without lessening the expense. As the artificers and seafaring people, who composed above two-thirds of the people of Athens, did not contribute any part of their substance, and only lent their personal services, the whole weight of the taxes fell entirely upon the rich. These murmured upon that account, and reproached the others with suffering the public moneys to be squandered upon festivals, plays, and the like superfluities. But the people being sensible of their superiority, paid very little regard to their complaints, and had no manner of inclination to curtail their diversions, merely to ease people who possessed employments and dignities from which they were entirely excluded. Besides, any person who should dare to propose this to the people seriously and in form, would be in great danger of his life.

However, Demosthenes presumed to introduce this subject at two different times; but then he treated it with the utmost art and circumspection. After showing that the Athenians were indispensably obliged to raise an army, in order to stop the enterprises of Philip, he hints (but covertly) that there are no other funds than those which were expended on theatrical representations, which can be assigned for levying and maintaining an armed force. He demands that commissioners might be nominated, not to enact new laws (there being already but too many established,) but to examine and abolish such as should be found prejudicial to the welfare of the republic. He did not thereby become obnoxious to capital punishment, as enacted by those laws; because he did not require that they should be actually abolished, but only that commissioners might be nominated to inspect them. He only hinted, how highly necessary it was to abolish a law which gave pain to the most zealous citizens, and reduced them to this sad alternative, either to ruin themselves, in case they gave their opinion boldly and faithfully, or to destroy their country, in case they observed a fearful prevaricating silence.

These remonstrances do not seem to have had the success they deserved, since in the following Olynthiac (which is commonly placed as the first) the orator was obliged to inveigh once more against the misapplication of the military funds. The Olynthians being now vigorously attacked by Philip, and having hitherto been very ill succoured by the mercenary soldiery of Athens, required, by a third embassy, a body of troops, which should not consist of mercenaries and foreigners as before, but of true Athenians, of men inspired with a sincere ardour for the interest both of their own glory and the common cause. The Athenians, at the earnest solicitation of Demosthenes, sent Chares a second time, with a reinforcement of seventeen galleys, of 2000 foot and 300 horse, all citizens of Athens, as the Olynthians had requested.

The following year Philip possess A. M. 3656. ed himself of Olynthus. Neither Ant. J. C. 348. the succours nor efforts of the Athenians could defend it from its domestic enemies. It was betrayed by Euthycrates and Lasthenes, two of its most eminent citizens, and actually in office at that time. Thus Philip entered by the breach which his gold had made. Immediately he plunders this unhappy city, lays one part of the inhabitants in chains, and sells the rest for slaves; and distinguishes those who had betrayed their city, no otherwise than by the supreme contempt he expressed for them. This king, like his son Alexander, loved the treason but abhorred the traitor. And in

1 Diod. l. xvi. p. 450-452,

deed, how can a prince rely upon him who has betray. ed his country? Every one, even the common soldiers of the Macedonian army, reproached Euthyerates and Lasthenes for their perfidy; and when they complained to Philip upon that account, he only made this ironical answer, infinitely more severe than the reproach itself: "Do not mind what a pack of vulgar fellows say, who call every thing by its real name."

The king was overjoyed at his being possessed of this city, which was of the utmost importance to him, as its power might have very much checked his con quests. Some years before, the Olynthians had long resisted the united armies of Macedon and Laceda monia; whereas Philip had taken it with very little resistance, at least had not lost many men in the siege. He now caused shows and public games to be exhi bited with the utmost magnificence; to these he added feasts and entertainments, in which he made himself very popular, bestowing on all the guests considerable gifts, and treating them with the utmost marks of his ' friendship.

SECTION IV.-PHILIP DECLARES IN FAVOUR OF

THEBES AGAINST THE PHOCEANS, AND THEREBY EN-
HE LULLS THE ATHE-
GAGES IN THE SACRED WAR.
NIANS, NOTWITHSTANDING THE REMONSTRANCES OF
DEMOSTHENES, INTO SECURITY, BY A PRETENDED
PEACE AND FALSE PROMISES. HE SEIZES ON THER-
MOPYLE, SUBJECTS THE PHOCEANS, AND PUTS AN
HE IS ADMITTED INTO
END TO THE SACRED WAR.
THE COUNCIL OF THE AMPHICTYONS.

A. M. 3857. Ant. J. C. 347.

THE Thebans, being unable alone to terminate the war which they had so long carried on against the Phocæans, had recourse to Philip. Hitherto, as we before mentioned, he had observed a kind of neutrality with respect to the sacred war; and he seemed to wait, in order to declare himself, till both parties should have weakened themselves by a long war, which equally exhausted them both. The Thebans had now very much abated of that haughtiness and those ambitious views, with which the victories of Epaminondas had inspired them. The instant therefore that they requested the alliance of Philip, he resolved to espouse the interest of that republic in opposition to the Phocæans. He had not lost sight of the project he had formed, of obtaining an entrance into Greece, in order to make himself master of it. To give success to his design, it was proper for him to declare in favour of one of the two parties which at that time divided all Greece, that is, either for the Thebans, or the Athenians and Spartans. He was not so void of sense as to imagine, that the latter choice would assist his design of securing to himself a share in the affairs of Greece. He therefore had no more to do but to join the Thebans, who offered themselves voluntarily to him, and who stood in need of Philip's power to support themselves in their declining condition. He therefore declared at once in their favour. But to give a specious colour to his arms, besides the gratitude which he affected to feel for Thebes, in which he had been educated, he also pretended to derive honour from the zeal with which he was fired, with regard to the insulted god; and was very glad to gain the reputation of a religious prince, who warmly espoused the cause of the god, and of the temple of Delphi, in order to conciliate by that means the esteem and friendship of the Greeks. Politicians apply every pretext to their views, and endeavour to screen the most unjust attempts with the veil of probity, and sometimes even of religion; though they very fre quently, in the main, have no manner of regard for either.

There was nothing Philip had more at heart,* than to possess himself of Thermopyla, as it opened him a

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passage into Greece; to appropriate all the honour of exhort Philip to take advantage of the peace he had the sacred war to himself, as if he had been principal just before concluded, in order to reconcile all the in that affair; and to preside in the Pythian games. Greek nations, and afterwards to turn his arms against He was desirous of aiding the Thebans, and by their the king of Persia. The business was to engage in means to possess himself of Phocis: but then, in order this plan four cities, on which all the rest depended, to put this double design in execution, it was necessary viz. Athens, Sparta, Thebes, and Argos. He confor him to keep it secret from the Athenians, who had fesses, that if Sparta or Athens were as powerful as actually declared war against Thebes, and who for formerly, he should be far from making such a propomany years had been in alliance with the Phocæans. sal, which he was sensible they would never approve; His business therefore was to deceive them, by placing and which the pride of those two republics, whilst other objects in their view; and on this occasion the cherished and augmented by success, would reject with politics of Philip succeeded to a wonder. disdain. But that now, as the most powerful cities of Greece, wearied out and exhausted by long wars, and humbled each in their turn by fatal reverses of fortune, have equally an interest in laying down their arms, and living in peace, pursuant to the example which the Athenians had begun to set them; the present is the most favourable opportunity Philip could have, to reconcile and unite the several cities of Greece.

The Athenians, who began to grow tired of a war which was very burdensome, and of little benefit to them, had commissioned Ctesiphon and Phrynon to sound the intentions of Philip, and discover what were his sentiments with regard to peace. They related that Philip did not appear averse to it, and that he even expressed a great affection for the commonwealth. Upon this, the Athenians resolved to send a solemn embassy, to inquire more strictly into the truth, and to procure the fullest information which so important a negotiation required. Æschines and Demosthenes were among the ten ambassadors, who brought back three from Philip, viz. Antipater, Parmenio, and Eurylochus. All the ten executed their commission very faithfully, and gave a very good account of it. Upon this, they were immediately sent back with full powers to conclude a peace, and to ratify it by oaths. It was then that Demosthenes, who in his first embassy had met some Athenian captives in Macedonia, and had promised to return and ransom them at his own expense, - endeavours to keep his word; and, in the mean time, advises his colleagues to embark with the utmost expedition, as the republic had commanded; and to wait as soon as possible upon Philip, in what place soever he might be. However, these, instead of making a speedy despatch, as they were desired, go an ambassador's pace, proceed to Macedonia by land, stay three months in that country, and give Philip time to possess himself of several other strong places belonging to the Athenians in Thrace. At last, having come to a conference with the king of Macedonia, they agree with him upon articles of peace: but he, content with having lulled them asleep by the specious pretence of a treaty, deferred the ratification of it from day to day. Philip had found means to corrupt the ambassadors one after another by presents, Demosthenes excepted, who being but one, opposed his colleagues to no manner of purpose.

In the mean time Philip made his troops advance continually. Being arrived at Pheræ in Thessaly, he at last ratifies the treaty of peace, but refuses to include the Phocæans in it. When news was brought to Athens, that Philip had signed the treaty, it occasioned very great joy in that city, especially among those who were averse to the war, and dreaded the consequences of it. Among these was Isocrates.' He was a citizen very zealous for the commonweath, whose prosperity he had very much at heart. The weakness of his voice, together with a timidity natural to him, had prevented his appearing in public, and mounting like others the tribunal. He had opened a school in Athens, in which he read rhetorical lectures, and taught youth eloquence with great reputation and success. However he had not entirely renounced the care of public affairs; and as others served their country viva voce, in the public assemblies, Isocrates endeavoured to benefit it by his writings, in which he delivered his thoughts; and these being soon made public, were very eagerly sought after.

On the present occasion, he wrote a piece of considerable length, which he addressed to Philip, with whom he held a correspondence, but in such terms as were worthy a good and faithful citizen. He was then very far advanced in years, being at least fourscore and eight. The scope of this discourse was to

Isocrat. Orat. ad Philip.

In case he should be so happy as to succeed in such a project, so glorious and beneficial a success would raise him above whatever had hitherto appeared most august in Greece. But the bare project in itself, though it should not have so happy an effect as he might expect from it, would yet infallibly gain him the esteem, the affection, and confidence of all the nations of Greece; advantages infinitely preferable to the taking of cities, and all the conquests he might hope to obtain.

Some persons indeed, who were prejudiced against Philip, represent and exclaim against him as a crafty prince, who gives a specious pretext to his march, but, at the same time, has in reality no other object in view than the enslaving of Greece. Isocrates, either from a too great credulity, or from a desire of bringing Philip into his views, supposes, that rumours so injurious as these have no manner of foundation; it not being probable, that a prince who glories in being descended from Hercules, the deliverer of Greece, should think of invading and tyrannizing over it. But these very reports, which are so capable of blackening his name and of sullying all his glory, should prompt him to demonstrate the falsity of them in the presence of all Greece by proofs that cannot be suspected, by leaving and maintaining each city in the full possession of its laws and liberties; by removing with the utmost care all suspicions of partiality; by not espousing the interest of one people against another; by winning the confidence of all men by a noble disinterestedness and an invariable love of justice; in fine, by aspiring to no other title than that of the reconciler of the divisions of Greece, a title far more glorious than that of conqueror.

It is in the king of Persia's dominions that he ought to seek and to merit those last titles. The conquest of it is open and sure to him, in case he could succeed in pacifying the troubles of Greece. He should call to mind, that Agesilaus, with no other forces than those of Sparta, shook the Persian throne, and would infallibly have subverted it, had he not been recalled into Greece by the intestine divisions which then broke out. The signal victory of the ten thousand under Clearchus, and their triumphant retreat in the sight of innumerable armies, prove what might be expected from the joint forces of the Macedonians and Greeks, when commanded by Philip against a prince inferior in every respect to him whom Cyrus had endeavoured to dethrone.

Isocrates concludes with declaring, that it seemed as if the gods had hitherto granted Philip so long a train of successes, with no other view than to enable him to form and execute the glorious enterprise, the plan of which he had laid before him. He reduces the counsel he gave to three heads: That this prince should govern his own empire with wisdom and justice; should heal the divisions between the neighbour ing nations, and all Greece, without desiring to possess any part of it himself; and this being done, that he should turn his victorious arms against a country

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