of blood. But on the seventh day, there appeared a | because of unrighteous dealings, injuries, and riches got company of men in the posture and habit of suppliants, by deceit, a kingdom is translated from one people to who desired no other conditions, than that the Romans another. Carthage is destroyed, because its avarice, would please to spare the lives of all those who should perfidiousness, and cruelty, have attained their utmost be willing to leave the citadel: which request was height. The like fate will attend Rome, when its granted them, only the deserters were excepted. Ac- luxury, ambition, pride, and unjust usurpations, concordingly, there came out 50,000 men and women, who cealed beneath a specious and delusive show of juswere sent into the fields under a strong guard. The tice and virtue, shall have compelled the sovereign deserters, who were about 900, finding they would not Lord, the disposer of empires, to give the universe an be allowed quarter, fortified themselves in the temple important lesson in its fall. of Esculapius, with Asdrubal, his wife, and two children; where, though then number was but small, they might have held out a long time, because he temple stood on a very high hill, upon rocks, the ascent to which was by sixty steps. But at last, exhausted by hunger and watching, oppressed with fear, and seeing their destruction at hand, they lost all patience; and abandoning the lower part of the temple, they retired to the uppermost story, resolved not to quit it but with their lives.

In the mean time, Asdrubal being desirous of saving his life, came down privately to Scipio, carrying an olive-branch in his hand, and threw himself at his feet. Scipio showed him immediately to the deserters, who, transported with rage and fury at the sight, vented millions of imprecations against him, and set fire to the temple. Whilst it was kindling, we are told, that Asdrubal's wife, dressing herself as splendidly as possible, and placing herself with her two children in sight of Scipio, addressed him with a loud voice: I call not down, says she, curses upon thy head, O Roman; for thou only takest the privilege allowed by the laws of war: but may the gods of Carthage, and thou in concert with them, punish, according to his deserts, the false wretch who has betrayed his country, his gods, his wife, his children! Then directing herself to Asdrubal:Perfidious wretch, says she, thou basest of men! this fire will presently consume both me and my children; but as to thee, unworthy general of Carthage, go, adorn the gay triumph of thy conqueror; suffer, in the sight of all Rome, the tortures thou so justly deservest. She had no sooner pronounced these words, than seizing her children, she cut their throats, threw them into the flames, and afterwards rushed into them herself; which she was imitated by all the deserters.

1

A. M. 3859 A. Carth. 701. A. Rom. 603. Ant. J. C. 145.

Carthage being taken in this manner, Scipio gave the plunder of it (the gold, silver, statues, and other offerings which should be found in the temples, excepted) to his soldiers for some days. He afterwards bestowed several military rewards on them, as well as on the officers, two of whom had particularly distinguished themselves, viz. Tib. Gracchus and Caius Fannius, who first scaled the walls. After this, adorning a small ship (an excellent sailer) with the enemy's spoils, he sent it to Rome with the news of the victory.

At the same time he invited the inhabitants of Sicily to come and take possession of the pictures and statues which the Carthaginians had plundered them of in the former wars. When he restored to the citizens of Agrigentum, Phalaris's famous bull, he told them that this bull, which was, at one and the same time, a monument of the cruelty of their ancient kings and of the lenity of their present sovereigns, ought to make them sensible which would be most advantageous for them, to live under the yoke of Sicilians, or the government of the Romans.

Having exposed to sale part of the spoils of Carthage, he commanded, on the most severe penalties, his family not to take or even buy any of them; so careful was he to remove from himself, and all belonging to him, the least suspicion of avarice.

When the news of the taking of Carthage was brought to Rome, the people abandoned themselves to the most immoderate transports of joy, as if the public tranquillity had not been secured till that ininstant. They revolved in their minds all the calamities which the Carthaginians had brought upon them, in Sicily, in Spain, and even in Italy, for sixteen years together; during which, Hannibal had plundered 400 towns, destroyed in different engagements 300,000 men, and reduced Rome itself to the utmost extremity. Amidst the remembrance of these past evils, the people in Rome would ask one another, whether it were really true that Carthage was in ashes. All ranks and degrees of men emulously strove who should show the greatest gratitude towards the gods; and the citizens were, for many days, employed only in solemn sacrifices, in public prayers, games, and spectacles.

With regard to Scipio, when he saw this famous city, which had been so flourishing for 700 years, and might have been compared to the greatest empires, on account of the extent of its dominions, both by sea and land; its mighty armies; its fleets, elephants, and riches; while the Carthaginians were even superior to other nations by their courage and greatness of soul: as notwithstanding their being deprived of arms and ships, they had sustained, for three whole years, all the hardships and calamities of a long siege: seeing, I say, this city entirely ruined, historians relate, that he could not refuse his tears to the unhappy fate of Carthage. He reflected, that cities, nations, and empires, are liable to revolutions no less than private men; that the like sad fate had befallen Troy, anciently so powerful; and, in later times, the Assyrians, Medes and Persians, whose dominions were once of so great an extent; and very recently, the Macedonians, whose empire had been so glorious throughout the world. Full of these mournful ideas, he repeated the following verses of Homer:

* Έσσεται ἦμαρ, ὅταν ποτ' ὀλώλῃ Ιλιος δρὴ, Καὶ Πρίαμος, καὶ λαὸς ἐϋμμελίω Πριάμοιο. II. d. 164, 165. The day shall come, that great avenging day, Which Troy's proud glories in the dust shall lay; When Priam's powers and Priam's self shall fall, And one prodigious ruin swallow all.-Pope. Thereby denouncing the future destiny of Rome, as he himself confessed to Polybius, who desired Scipio to explain himself on that occasion.

Had the truth enlightened his soul, he would have discovered what we are taught in the Scriptures, that 1 Appian. p. 82.

After these religious duties were ended," the senate sent ten commissioners into Africa, to regulate, in conjunction with Scipio, the fate and condition of that country for the time to come. The first care was, to demolish whatever was still remaining of Carthage. Rome, though mistress of almost the ⚫ Appian. p. 83.

2 Ecclus. x. 8.

Ibid. p.

84.

4 Ibid.

5 Quem taurum Scipio cum redderet Agrigentinis, dixisse dicitur, æquum esse illos cogitare utrum esset Siculis utilius, suisne servire, an populo R. obtemperare, cum idem monumentum et domestica crudelitatis, et nostræ mansuetudinis haberent. Cic. verr. vi. n. 73. Appian. p. 83. We may guess at the dimensions of this famous city by what Florius says, viz. that it was seventeen days on fire, before it could be consumed. Quanta urbs deleta sit, ut de cæteris taceam, vel ignium mora probari potest; quippe per continuos decem et septem dies vix potuit incendium extingui. Lib. ii. c. 15.

Neque se Roma, jam terrarum orbe superato, securam speravit fore, si numen usquam maneret Carthaginis. Adeo odium certaminibus ortum ultra metum durat et ne in victis quidem deponitur, neque ante invisum esse desinit oûam esse desiit. Vel. Paterc. 1. i. c. 12.

the excellency of his education, were already the sub- | their narrow way of thinking, at a time when they ject of admiration. Polybius, with a great number made the greatest figure, and had the highest regard of Achæans, whose fidelity the Romans suspected paid to them, of any family in Rome. This generous during the war with Perseus, was detained in Rome, action, says Polybius, was the more admired, because where his merit soon caused his company to be covet- no person in Rome, so far from consenting to pay ed by all persons of the highest quality in that city. 50,000 crowns before they were due, would pay even Scipio, when scarce eighteen, devoted himself entirely 1000 before the time for payment was elapsed. to Polybius; and considered as the greatest felicity It was from the same noble spirit that, two years of his life, the opportunity he had of being instructed after, Paulus Æmilius his father being dead, he made by so great a master, whose society he preferred to all over to his brother Fabius, who was not so wealthy as the vain and idle amusements which are generally so himself, the part of their father's estate which was his alluring to young persons. (Scipio's) due (amounting to above 60,000 crowns)," in order that there might not be so great a disparity between his fortune and that of his brother.

having been laid aside for some years on account of the wars, Scipio found there an incredible quantity of game of every kind. Paulus Æmilius, studious of procuring his son virtuous pleasures of every kind, in order to divert his mind from those which reason prohibits, gave him full liberty to indulge himself in his favourite sport, during all the time that the Roman forces continued in that country, after the victory he had gained over Perseus. The illustrious youth employed his leisure hours in an exercise which suited so well his age and inclination; and was as successful in this innocent war against the beasts of Macedonia, as his father had been in that which he had carried on against the inhabitants of the country.

elsewhere.

The History of the Family and Posterity of Masinissa. I promised, after finishing what related to the republic of Carthage, to return to the family and posterity of Masinissa. This piece of history forms a considerable part of that of Africa, and therefore is not quite foreign to my subject.

I request the reader to excuse this long digression, which may be thought foreign to my subject, as I am not writing the Roman history. However, it appeared to me so well adapted to the general design I propose to myself in this work, viz. the cultivating and improving the minds of youth, that I could not forbear introducing it here, though I was sensible this is not directly its proper place. And indeed, these examples show, how important it is that young people should receive a liberal and virtuous education; and the great benefit they reap, by frequenting and corresponding early with persons of merit; for these were the foundations whereon were built the fame and glory which have rendered Scipio immortal. But above all, how It was at Scipio's return from Macedon, that he noble a model for our age (in which the most inconmet with Polybius in Rome; and contracted the strict siderable and even trifling concerns often create feuds friendship with him, which was afterwards so benefi- and animosities between brothers and sisters, and cial to our young Roman; and did him almost as disturb the peace of families) is the generous disintermuch honour in after-ages as all his conquests. We estedness of Scipio; who, whenever he had an opporfind, from history, that Polybius lived with the two tunity of serving his relations, thought lightly of bebrothers. One day, when himself and Scipio were stowing the largest sums upon them! This excellent alone, the latter unbosomed himself freely to him, and passage of Polybius had escaped me, by its not being complained, but in the mildest and most gentle terms, inserted in the folio edition of his works. It belongs that he, in their conversations at table, always direct- indeed naturally to that book, where, treating of the ed himself to his brother Fabius, and never to him. taste for solid glory, I mentioned the contempt in which I am sensible, says he, that this indifference arises from the ancients held riches, and the excellent use they your supposing, with all our citizens, that I am a heedless made of them. I therefore thought myself indispensa young man, and wholly averse to the taste which now pre-bly obliged to restore, on this occasion, to young stu vails in Rome, because I do not devote myself to the students, what I could not but blame myself for omitting dies of the bar, nor cultivate the graces of elocution. But how should I do this? I am told perpetually, that the Romans expect a general, and not an orator, from the house of the Scipios. I will confess to you (pardon the sincerity with which I reveal my thoughts) that your coldness and indifference grieve me exceedingly. Polybius, surprised at this unexpected address, made Scipio the kindest answer; and assured the illustrious youth, that though he generally directed himself to his bro- From the time that Masinissa had ther, yet this was not out of disrespect to him, but declared for the Romans under the only because Fabius was the eldest; not to mention first Scipio, he had always adhered to (continued Polybius), that, knowing that you pos- that honourable alliance, with an alsessed but one soul, I conceived that I addressed both most unparalleled zeal and fidelity. Finding his end when I spoke to either of you. He then assured approaching, he wrote to the proconsul of Africa, unScipio, that he was entirely at his command; that der whose standards the younger Scipio then fought, with regard to the sciences, for which he discovered to desire that that Roman might be sent to him; addthe happiest genius, he would have opportunities suf-ing, that he should die with satisfaction, if he could ficient to improve himself in them, from the great but expire in his arms, after having made him executor number of learned Grecians who resorted daily to to his will. But believing that he should be dead Rome: but that as to the art of war, which was pro- before it could be possible for him to receive this conperly his profession, and his favourite study, he (Poly-solation, he sent for his wife and children, and spoke bius) might be of some little service to him. He had no sooner spoke these words, than Scipio, grasping nis hand in a kind of rapture: Oh! when, says he, shall I see the happy day, when, disengaged from all cther avocations, and living with me, you will be so much my friend, as to direct your endeavours to improve my understanding and regulate my affections? It is then Ï shall think myself worthy of my illustrious ancestors. From that time Polybius, overjoyed to see so young a man breathe such noble sentiments, devoted himself particularly to our Scipio, who ever after paid him as much reverence as if he had been his father. However, Scipio did not esteem Polybius only as an excellent historian, but valued him much more, and reaped much greater advantages from him, as an able warrior and a profound politician. Accordingly, he consulted him on every occasion, and always took his advice, even when he was at the head of his army; concerting in private with Polybius all the operations of the campaign, all the movements of the forces, all enterprises against the enemy, and the several measures proper for rendering them successful.

In a word, it was the common report, that our illustrious Roman did not perform any great or good action without being under some obligation to Polybius; nor even commit an error, except when he acted without consulting him.

Pausan. in Arcad. L viii, p. 505,

A. M. 3875. A. Rom. 601.

to them as follows: I know no other nation but the Romans, and, among this nation, no other family but that of the Scipios. I now, in my expiring moments, empower Scipio Emilianus to dispose, in an absolute manner, of all my possessions, and to divide my kingdom among my children. I require, that whatever Scipio may decree, shall be executed as punctually as if I myself had ap pointed by my will. After saying these words, he breathed his last, being upwards of ninety years of age.2

This prince, during his youth, had met with strange reverses of fortune, having been dispossessed of his kingdom, obliged to fly from province to province, and a thousand times in danger of his life. Being supported, says the historian, by the divine protection, he was afterwards favoured, till his death, with a perpetual series of prosperity, unruffled by any sinister accident; for he not only recovered his own kingdom, but added to it that of Syphax his enemy; and extending his dominions from Mauritania, as far as Cyrene, he became the most powerful prince of all Africa. He was blessed, till he left the world, with the greatest health and vigour, which doubtless was owing to his extreme temperance, and the care he had taken to inure himself to fatigue. Though ninety years of age, he performed all the exercises used by

2 App. p. 65. Val. Max. 1. v. c. 2.

App. p. 65

young men, and always rode without a saddle; and Polybius observes (a circumstance preserved by Plutarch), that the day after a great victory over the Carthaginians, Masinissa was seen, sitting at the door of his tent, eating a piece of brown bread.

A. M. 3887. A. Rom. 631.

This bloody

A. M. 3888.

A. Rom. 632.

fection by kindness. Accordingly he adopted him; and by his will, made him joint-heir with his two sons. When he found his end approaching, he sent for all three, and bid them draw near his bed, where, in presence of the whole court, he put Jugurtha in He left fifty-four sons, of whom three only were mind of all his kindness to him; conjuring him, in legitimate, viz. Micipsa, Gulussa, and Mastanabal. the name of the gods, to defend and protect, on all Scipio divided the kingdom between these three, and occasions, his children; who, being before related to gave considerable possessions to the rest; but the him by the ties of blood, were now become his brethfwo last dying soon after, Micipsa became sole pos- ren, by his (Micipsa's) bounty. He told him," that sessor of these extensive dominions. He had two neither arms nor treasure constitute the strength of sons, Adherbal and Hiempsal, and with them he edu- a kingdom, but friends, who are not won by arms cated in his palace Jugurtha his nephew, Mastan- nor gold, but by real services and inviolable fidelity. abal's son, and took as much care of him as he did Now where (says he) can we find better friends than of his own children. This last-mentioned prince our brothers? And how can that man, who becomes possessed several eminent qualities, which gained an enemy to his relations, repose any confidence in, him universal esteem. Jugurtha, who was finely or depend on, strangers? He exhorted his sons to shaped and very handsome, of the most delicate wit pay the highest reverence to Jugurtha; and to dispute and the most solid judgment, did not devote himself, no otherwise with him, than by their endeavour to as young men commonly do, to a life of luxury and equal, and, if possible, to surpass his exalted merit. pleasure. He used to exercise himself with persons He concluded with entreating them to observe for of his own age, in running, riding, and throwing the ever an inviolable attachment towards the Romans; javelin; and though he surpassed all his companions, and to consider them as their benefactor, their patron, there was not one of them but loved him. The chase and master. A few days after this, Micipsa expired. was his only delight; but it was that of lions and Jugurtha soon threw off the mask, other savage beasts. To finish his character, he ex- and began by ridding himself of Hicelled in all things, and spoke very little of himself; empsal, who had expressed himself Plurimum facere, et minimum ipse de se loqui. to him with great freedom, and thereMerit so conspicuous, and so generally acknow- fore he caused him to be murdered. ledged, began to excite some anxiety in Micipsa. He action proved but too evidently to saw himself in the decline of life, and his children Adherbal what he himself might natuvery young. He knew the prodigious lengths which rally fear. Numidia is now divided, ambition is capable of going, when a crown is in and sides severally with the two broview; and that a man, with talents much inferior to thers. Mighty armies are raised by each party. those of Jugurtha, might be dazzled by so glittering Adherbal, after losing the greatest part of his fora temptation, especially when united with such fa- tresses, is vanquished in battle, and forced to make vourable circumstances. In order therefore to remove Rome his asylum. However, this gave Jugurtha no a competitor so dangerous with regard to his children, very great uneasiness, as he knew that money was he gave Jugurtha the command of the forces which all-powerful in that city. He therefore sent deputies he sent to the assistance of the Romans, who at that thither, with orders for them to bribe the chief senatime were besieging Numantia, under the conduct of tors. In the first audience to which they were introScipio. Knowing Jugurtha was actuated by the duced, Adherbal represented the unhappy condition most heroic bravery, he flattered himself, that he pro- to which he was reduced, the injustice and barbarity bably would rush upon danger, and lose his life. of Jugurtha, the murder of his brother, the loss of However, he was mistaken. This young prince join- almost all his fortresses; but the circumstance on ed to an undaunted courage the utmost presence of which he laid the greatest stress was, the commands mind; and, a circumstance very rarely found in per- of his dying father, viz. to put his whole confidence sons of his age, he preserved a just medium between in the Romans; declaring, that the friendship of this a timorous foresight and an impetuous rashness. In people would be a stronger support both to himself and this campaign, he won the esteem and friendship of his kingdom, than all the troops and treasures in the the whole army. Scipio sent him back to his uncle universe. His speech was of a great length, and with letters of recommendation, and the most advan- extremely pathetic. Jugurtha's deputies made only tageous testimonials of his conduct, after having given the following answer: That Hiempsal had been killhim very prudent advice with regard to the course ed by the Numidians, because of his great cruelty; which he ought to pursue: for, knowing mankind so that Adherbal was the aggressor, and yet, after having well, he in all probability had discovered certain been vanquished was come to make complaints, besparks of ambition in that prince, which he feared cause he had not committed all the excesses he dewould one day break out into a flame, sired; that their sovereign entreated the senate to form a judgment of his behaviour and conduct in Africa, from that he had shown at Numantia; and to lay a greater stress on his actions, than on the accusations of his enemies. But these ambassadors had secretly employed an eloquence much more prevalent than that of words, which had not proved ineffectual. The whole assembly was for Jugurtha, a few senators excepted, who were not so void of honour as to be corrupted by money. The senate came to this resolution, That commissioners should be sent from Rome, to divide the provinces equally upon the spot between the two brothers. The reader will naturally suppose, that Jugurtha was not sparing of his treasure on this occasion: the division was made to his advantage; and yet a specious appearance of equity was preserved.

Micipsa, pleased with the high character that was sent him of his nephew, changed his behaviour towards him, and resolved, if possible, to win his af

Cicero introduces Cato speaking as follows of Masinissa's vigorous constitution: Arbitror te audire, Scipio, hospes tuus Masinissa quæ faciat hodie nonaginta annos natus; cùm ingressus iter pedibus sit, in equum omnio non ascendere; cum equo, ex ex equo non descendere; nullo imbre, nullo frigore adduci, ut capite operto sit; summam esse in eo corporis siccitatem. Itaque exequi omnia regis officia et mu

nera.

De Senectute.

2 An seni gerenda sit Resp. p. 791. Appian. P. 65. Val. Max. 1. v. c. 2. All this history of Jugurtha is extracted from Sallust. • Terrebat eum natura mortalium avida imperii, et præceps ad explendam animi cupidinem: præterea opportunitas suæ liberorumque ætatis, quæ etiam mediocres viros spe prædæ transversos agit. Sallust.

Ac sanè, quod difficillimum imprimis est, et prælio strenuus erat, et bonus concilio; quorum alterum ex providentiâ timorem, alterum ex audacià temeritatem adferre plerumque solet.

Non exercitus, neque thesauri, præsidia regni sunt, verùm amici: quos neque armis cogere, neque auro parare queas; officio et fide pariuntur. Quis autem amicior quàm frater fratri? aut quem alienum fidum invenies, si tuis hostis fueris.